Tuesday, December 22, 2020

Nabokov, Steinberg, and Me

 Nabokov, Steinberg, and Me

Rereading “Lolita” and reflecting on crossing paths with two heroes on Route 66.

By Ian Frazier The New Yorker


 

I first read “Lolita” fifty years ago, as a teen-ager. When I praised it to my mother—she taught high-school English and was a reader—she said that she hadn’t liked it, that it was a horrible, sad story. I disregarded her opinion, as I did with a lot of what my parents told me. I kept rereading the book, and eventually moved on to all of Nabokov’s other works in English that I could find. Nabokov mentioned landmarks of importance to him in his memoir, “Speak, Memory,” and I sometimes went to visit them. Travelling in Russia, I looked up the town house where his family had lived in St. Petersburg. It’s now a museum, and I’ve been to it three or four times.

As an unformed kid, I envied his self-assurance and Olympian disdain. I tried to imitate the style, dropping into conversations half-cribbed Nabokov-like phrases (“I scorn the philistine postcoital cigarette”). Once I happened upon a slim volume of his in the New York Public Library which no one I’ve met has heard of. It contained a line that I treasured like a rare archeological find. Published in 1947, the book is a short anthology of verse by three Russian poets—Pushkin, Lermontov, and Tyutchev—with Nabokov’s translations, accompanied by introductions in which he explains each poet to an American audience. In the introduction to Pushkin, he describes the poet’s end, when he received a fatal wound in a duel with the French ballroom roué Georges-Charles de Heeckeren d’Anthès, the alleged lover of his wife. About the later career of this pomaded zero who killed Russia’s greatest poet, Nabokov adds that d’Anthès went back to France, got elected to some office or other, “and lived to the incredible and unnecessary age of 90.”

Childhood is a darkened, fantasy-filled theatre in which, after a long or short while, the houselights are turned on, and the brightness makes you blink, and then you see the candy wrappers under the seats and the lines for the bathrooms. That moment can happen at any time. For me the lights in the Nabokov theatre—a glorious, twinkling venue—got turned fully on when I was in my thirties, during what was for me the waning end of our modern long version of childhood. Afterward I understood better what my mother had meant about “Lolita.”

We lived in Ohio, the centrifugal state, where it seemed that if you let go of the front-door knob for just a second the next thing you knew you’d be flung a thousand miles down the highway. Our house, in a rural development in the town of Hudson, had a gravel drive, which led to a gravel street, to a barely paved road, to Interstate Highway 80, and to New York in one direction and San Francisco in the other. Or to Florida or Arizona or Canada or Alaska or anywhere else—the full three hundred and sixty degrees.

Across the street, past the Gellatlys’ house, and past their back yard, was the house of my friend Don. He and I read “Lolita” at about the same time. Just as Humbert pleaded his love for Lolita before the “winged gentlemen of the jury,” we expounded to each other on our love for various beautiful girls at Hudson High School. These girls were like Lolita, with their field-hockey sticks, and book bags, and scuffed knees on the school bus. Lolita starred in a famous, best-selling book by a high-class foreign author. Therefore, the girls who rode Bus 8 with us were themselves worthy of the loftiest regard—worthy of having love poems written to them, or of being painted by the old-time Italian painters whose names we didn’t remember from trips to the Cleveland Museum of Art. Suddenly it was artistic to be these girls, and to be us, in love with them. The world seemed all in a sweat over this fictional girl, Lolita, who looked and talked and acted like girls we got to be next to, and hopelessly far from, every day.

As if there weren’t enough roads waiting to take us away, more kept being built, making obsolete certain previous roads, which then had “old” added to their names. Thus there soon were Route 8 and Old Route 8, Route 14 and Old Route 14. Businesses on the old roads languished, but on Old Route 14, which was near where we lived, a place called the Hilltop Motel hung on for a long while. We knew the family that ran it, whom I’ll call the Carluccis. Tony, their son, was in my grade in school. I liked him and, when I was younger, I sometimes went to his house to play. The family lived in rooms on the second floor of a building whose first floor was the motel’s restaurant, where Tony and I sat on shiny red stools at the counter and ordered hamburgers. Then we went upstairs and played with his electric-football set while adults at a table in the next room drank and talked. Once, Tony pointed out a man in the group and told me that he had just got out of prison. The Hilltop’s accommodations were small cabins, which my parents took an ironical view of, for reasons I did not at first understand.

Tony had a younger sister, Rosa, who was as rosaceous as all girls and women of that name deserve to be. She had long, dark hair and dark eyes, and at an early age she grew into the kind of plum-tinted look so admired by the old-time painters of her ancestresses. Once, I was riding my bike and I saw her and her friend Barb leaning on the railing of a bridge over Interstate 80, known to us as the Ohio Turnpike, and watching the traffic. That such beauty could be found on a tarry two-lane road among farm fields in Ohio proved that God was everywhere. Or—maybe better—that art could be anywhere, even in our unartistic (as compared with Europe) U.S.A. Oh, winged gentlemen, and my mom, of the jury! Mr. Nabokov, the defendant, gave that gift to us Americans, to me.

I was too shy to say anything to these visions, Rosa and Barb. Did they give me a mocking look as I pedalled by? If they were challenging me to step into Ohio’s centrifugal jet stream, jump the wire fence, stand on the turnpike’s apron, stick out my thumb, and disappear down the highway like the light diminishing to a dot in the middle of a nineteen-sixties TV screen—well, I did do that, not very many years afterward. But even when I was in my early teens, and weak with love for Rosa (and Barb), I had already been all over western North America as a passenger in the family station wagon, along with my mom and two brothers and two sisters, driven by my Ohio-flung dad.

Like most places, Ohio used to have worse winters than it does now. My mother’s mother suffered from lung trouble, and, when my grandfather retired after forty-two years of teaching in the Cleveland public schools, the doctors recommended that he remove his wife from Ohio’s winters to a warmer and drier climate. He chose Tucson, Arizona. This decision was one of the best things that ever happened to me. I was three years old when my grandparents bought a house in a development recently laid out among the cacti of the Sonoran Desert, a short drive from Tucson’s main drag. Give my dad a target such as the one presented by my grandparents’ four-bedroom ranch-style home and he could not be stopped. He let Ohio fling him at it like a dart, trailing all of us behind. We drove to Arizona to visit my grandparents every year, sometimes twice a year, throughout the nineteen-fifties and into the sixties, until they died. After that, we kept making long western journeys—to Los Angeles, San Francisco, the Yukon Territory, or Tok Junction, Alaska, and beyond—almost like annual migrations.

Nabokov worked on “Lolita” in the early fifties, during summers off from teaching at Cornell, while he and his wife, Véra, were driving around the country hunting butterflies. In an afterword to a later edition of the book, he said that one of the towns where he wrote it was Portal, Arizona. To get to that place from Ithaca, New York, he very likely would have driven part of the way on the all-time-greatest American touring road, Route 66. If you were going from the Northeast to the Southwest, you probably took Route 66. The pleasures of this road were so many that books, entire careers, have been devoted to remembering and recording them, now that 66 has itself become an “old” road, superseded by Interstate 44, a characterless four-lane.

 

In my work as a freelance writer pursuing one story or another around the West, I sometimes come upon an unchanged stretch of “old” 66, and I’ll see something I remember from my childhood, and the tiny neural address that held the memory of the place in my brain will still be there, in good condition, though unvisited for sixty years. Outside Flagstaff, or maybe closer to Winslow, Arizona, while I was doing research for a piece about meteorites, I meandered off the four-lane onto an undisturbed span of old Route 66, and there was the giant concrete tepee at the gas station where we must have stopped dozens of times. As a kid, I loved that tepee, with its smooth, cool concrete floor and its racks of postcards. Another time, not long ago in Oklahoma, out of the corner of my eye I saw the motel with the Western theme—wagon wheels, oxen yokes, branding irons—where my family had stayed years before. My dad liked to drive straight through, night and day, but two thousand miles from Hudson to Tucson in one go was a haul even for him. The motels where we stopped offered sweet oases of pressed sheets and varnished knotty-pine walls and cigarette-smoke-scented furnishings, an interesting change from sleeping on a mattress on the station wagon’s folded-down back seats, all five of us siblings jumbled together. The cigarette smell also signified not-home—neither of my parents smoked—and recalled the Hilltop Motel’s nostalgic, heady hints of sin.

We didn’t know, nor did Nabokov, that we happened to be living in the golden age of motels. By the time I was out and driving on my own, most of the old motels had disappeared, replaced by the now familiar chains that try to be identical everywhere. In no work of literature are the wonders of the vanished Motel Age preserved and celebrated better than in “Lolita.” Motels and hotels and lodges dance by like a colorful all-American chorus line in the novel, while recurring road trips move the plot. After Lolita’s mother, whom Humbert has married to get to the daughter, is run over by a car and killed, he takes the girl on a long cross-country ramble, from one motel to the next:

We came to know—nous connûmes, to use a Flaubertian intonation—the stone cottages under enormous Chateaubriandesque trees, the brick unit, the stucco court, on what the Tour Book of the Automobile Association describes as “shaded” or “spacious” or “landscaped” grounds. The log kind, finished in knotty pine, reminded Lo, by its golden-brown glaze, of fried-chicken bones. We held in contempt the plain whitewashed Kabins, with their faint sewerish smell.

Ventriloquizing Humbert, the author goes on to list the places they stayed, and their attractions and proprietors and clienteles, for two more pages. The only other person to chronicle the Motel Age so well was the artist Saul Steinberg, whom I was lucky enough to know for twenty-odd years before his death, in 1999, and who gave me a drawing, “Paradise Cabins” [see illustration], which closely resembles the Hilltop Motel, home of the nacreous Rosa.

“Home of the nacreous Rosa” is not something I would normally write, but when the subject is Nabokov I take on a voice I think of as his, although of course it’s not, nor is it mine, but a nowhere hybrid voice, like a clumsy Russian hacking of an American Web site. Nabokov and Steinberg were friends, and Saul once told me that he gave up smoking while visiting the Nabokovs in Montreux. He just quit, with no program or nicotine chewing gum or anything, and never touched a cigarette again. He was a decisive guy.

Hearing Saul talk about his road trips all over America, such as the one in which he and his wife, the artist Hedda Sterne, drove a Cadillac they had bought from Igor Stravinsky from New York to Los Angeles, I understood that they and my family could well have crossed paths. The same is true of us and the Nabokovs. Vladimir and Véra sometimes went West as soon as classes at Cornell ended for the summer. Our family often headed for Tucson when I got out of school in June. The Nabokovs would have been unable to avoid Route 66, and my family always took it, regarding it as our grandparents’ very long driveway. In theory, we and the Nabokovs could have been on that road simultaneously. So it’s not impossible, either, that when we stopped at the Wagon Wheel Motel (or wherever) on 66 the foreign-looking professor and his elegant wife were in a room nearby. If they saw my dad and mom and their five baby-boomer offspring piling out of our blue Ford station wagon and boisterously occupying the adjoining room, did they admire us blond, frowsy-headed children, as my parents thought everybody did? Or not?

In an afterword to a 1970 edition of “Lolita,” Nabokov referred to a place called Gray Star as “the capital town of the book.” After Humbert is out of her life, Lolita, by then married and pregnant but still in her teens, moves to Gray Star with her husband, Dick Schiller. Gray Star is in Alaska, as the larger context makes clear. “Lolita” purports to be a manuscript written in prison by an accused criminal, Humbert Humbert, who is using this made-up name instead of his real one so as not to bring disgrace on anybody with a connection to the story, especially his beloved Lolita. Through his lawyer, the manuscript has come into the possession of an editor and psychologist, John Ray, Jr., Ph.D. The book’s subtitle, “The Confessions of a White Widowed Male,” supplied by Humbert, makes it sound like a case study, perfect for Dr. Ray, who writes a brief foreword explaining the provenance. Ray tells us of Humbert’s and Lolita’s ends. Humbert had expected to die soon, and his wish was that the book not be published until Lolita was also dead. He had hoped that she would outlive him by many years. Dr. Ray informs us that Humbert died of coronary thrombosis in prison in mid-November of 1952, shortly after finishing his manuscript, and that Mrs. Richard Schiller died in childbirth in Gray Star on Christmas Day of the same year. Per Humbert’s wishes as conveyed to his lawyer, Dr. Ray is therefore publishing the manuscript.

Is Gray Star the book’s “capital town” because Lolita—along with her baby, a stillborn girl—died there? Had Lolita lived a normal span of years, the book would not have come out, following its own logic, until our present century, and maybe would not exist even today; Lolita, born in 1935, would have been eighty-five in 2020. But I don’t think that’s the real reason that Nabokov made such a significant-sounding statement about Gray Star.

The first real-life piece of Russia that I ever saw was Sputnik, crossing the sky over Ohio one night in 1957. The second was when I went on a cruise to the Canary Islands with my family in 1973. The trip came about because one of us siblings had died. My brother Fritz, six years younger than me, died of leukemia when he was a sophomore in high school. The next year, at Christmastime, the spacious country we used to ramble was too small to hold my bereft dad and his sad family, so he took us all on a package cruise. We drove to J.F.K. airport, left the car, flew to Spain, got on a ship, and docked one night on Tenerife, in the Canaries. I came on deck and saw, anchored nearby, a huge, dark ship with a name in Cyrillic letters on its prow. I asked my dad what they said, and from his tour-book familiarity with the alphabet he sounded out “Mikhail Lermontov”; below the name was the hammer and sickle. The Lermontov projected the aura of a death star combined with a ghost ship, looming above and aloof from the other ships in the harbor. When we got home, I bought a paperback translation of Lermontov’s “A Hero of Our Time” and read it. I admired how cool, dashing, and romantic Lermontov was.

The name Gray Star and the memory of that ship are somehow near to each other in my mind. To me the name reads as Soviet, like the big gray letters, the brutalistic “L” resembling an “A” without a crossbar, on the Lermontov’s towering black bow. Gray Star could be the red star of the U.S.S.R. drained to grayness by the cold of the north. The name speaks of almost unreachable remoteness, and of Polaris, visible to both the Russians and to us, and of gray, beeping Sputnik going by. The novel’s “capital town” is situated in our only state that shares a border with Russia. And, as recently as Nabokov’s grandparents’ lifetimes, Alyaska was a koloniya—a colony—of Russia. The place where Lolita dies is almost in Russia, and almost not in America.

The site of Lolita’s mournful exit points toward Russia without mentioning it. On the surface, Nabokov does not come off as a Russian writer in the book. The text does not refer to many works of Russian literature, and he told an interviewer that he intentionally kept all touches of Russianness out of the portrait of Humbert, whose background he made Swiss, Austrian, French, and English, “with a dash of the Danube.” Maybe something in Nabokov drew his thoughts Russia-ward despite himself as he devised Lolita’s fate. I don’t know if he ever went to Alaska, but he can’t have been thinking of (for example) the town of Nome as a model for Gray Star. I stopped in Nome a number of times in my midlife project of going to Siberia by travelling west, continuing my own extension of my family’s chronic westering. From Nome I flew to such Russian destinations as Chukotka, across the Bering Strait, and because I generally had to wait for tolerable flying weather I spent a lot of time in Nome. The town consists mostly of frozen mud, quonset huts, and heaps of rusted, twisted metal. Other Alaskan towns I’ve seen look basically the same. Don’t get me wrong, I admire the feistiness of these towns. But for Lolita to wind up in such a place when she was seventeen years old and pregnant, and then for her to die in childbirth—what kind of medical facilities would they have had in any Gray Star in 1952?—made for a tough finish to an already ruined life. I do not believe that any real place could have been the inspiration for Nabokov’s Gray Star. We have to imagine the town as more of an abstract notion.

The last time Humbert sees Lolita, she is still in the Lower Forty-eight, living in an unspecified non-coastal state that, judging by the amount of time it takes for him to drive to it from the New York area, could be Ohio. He is in pursuit of the even bigger pervert than himself who stole Lolita from him, and he finds his beloved in shabby surroundings. When he arrives, Dick, the husband, who’s partly deaf because of a war injury, is working on some repair project out in back of their house with a friend, another vet, who has only one arm. The friend injures his hand, they come inside, and Lolita bandages the cut. Humbert observes, “Her ambiguous, brown and pale beauty excited the cripple.

On a rereading of the book during the early part of my chronological (but not actual) adulthood, I recall stumbling over that “cripple” for the first time. I wondered about Nabokov/Humbert’s use of the term to refer to someone who lost an arm in the war. The dimmer switch in the Nabokov theatre was turning to bright. And why did Dick, the poor schmo of a husband, have to be hard of hearing? His disability contributes little to the story, except to provide the image of Lolita shouting at him in order to be heard, as if he were the geezer and not Humbert. Somewhere I read a review that took Nabokov to task for picking on people with disabilities in his books. I had not previously noticed how often he does that. The entire plot of “Laughter in the Dark,” for example, revolves around the cuckolding of a blind man. The houselights in the theatre grew even brighter. Nabokov started to seem less like a lovable, bumbling Professor Pnin and more like a pitiless White Russian with a monocle and an ebony cigarette holder. 

I then looked at Lolita, the character, with the same literal-mindedness I applied to Gray Star. After Humbert has drugged her and attempted to rape her during their first night alone together, she wakes up, happy and frisky, and Humbert says to the reader, “I am going to tell you something very strange: it was she who seduced me.” Lolita is twelve years old when this happens. Humbert informs us that she knows what she is doing because she had a lot of sex with a boy at the summer camp she has attended since she was eleven. Lolita is a “nymphet,” as we’re told again and again. That must be the explanation—a nymphet is someone who starts having intercourse on her own initiative when she is in the seventh grade.

Humbert’s claim, “It was she who seduced me,” attempts to excuse him from quite as much guilt as he deserves for raping a child. And she does know she has been raped—she says as much in a scene of distress and near-hysteria that follows soon after.

“It was she who seduced me” gives the reader a potential too-easy out as well, along the lines of the familiar “She was asking for it.” I guess it’s not impossible that nymphets exist, but I never knew or heard of one. Kids that age might fool around with each other, but they don’t go immediately to fucking. They’re not even sure how it works. For the author to portray Lolita as an experienced twelve-year-old who proposes grownup sex to her stepfather and then expertly and matter-of-factly begins it is implausible at best, and at worst extremely low and cheesy. Some reviewers of the book in the fifties thought it much worse than that, calling it filth, etc. The part where Humbert fantasizes about having a daughter with Lolita, a “Lolita the Second,” whom he would also molest in due course, producing a “Lolita the Third,” whom ditto, takes us to a whole new level of insane creepiness. That Lolita’s baby daughter is stillborn removes the possibility of another nymphet entering the world and running afoul of a future Humbert or similar fiend—a minor mercy granted by the author to his hard-luck characters.

At their last meeting, Lolita tells Humbert the name of her abductor, Clare Quilty. (Of course, Humbert says that the nymphet had conspired in her own abduction.) Teary and more in love with her than ever, he asks her to leave that very minute and come away with him. She declines. He then drives back east, finds the disgusting Quilty, whose own history of degrading children conveniently makes Humbert look less bad, and confronts him in his Playboy-style mansion. He forces the criminal to read a self-indictment in verse that Humbert has written and then shoots him repeatedly with Chum, his nickname for the pistol he has brought along. Checking to see if Quilty is dead, Humbert notices two flies landing on the fresh corpse “with a dawning sense of unbelievable luck.” Humbert’s only friend—his gun—and the two lucky flies at the beginning of their own insectoid buddy movie round out this cautionary love story.

In a review in The New Yorker in 1958, the critic Donald Malcolm noted that comedy and horror are often combined. He placed Nabokov among those satirical writers who go back and forth between the two, citing Gogol and Twain. Russian humor-writing in general is horrifying, from the nightmare unrealities in Gogol’s “The Nose” and “The Overcoat,” through the Bolshevik-era mad laughter in Bulgakov’s “The Master and Margarita” and “Heart of a Dog,” to the absurdism of Daniil Kharms, who starved to death in one of Stalin’s prisons, and whose actual fate makes his stories seem almost gallant in their carelessness about logic and mercy toward the reader. Malcolm’s mention of Twain may seem surprising, because we are less likely to think of him as a writer of horror tales, but he told ghost stories (“The Golden Arm”) as part of his lecture performances. Moments of high-gothic horror occur in “Tom Sawyer,” as when Tom and Huck are watching the grave robbers dig up a corpse at midnight, and in “Huckleberry Finn,” when Huck gets chased around a cabin by Pap, his drunk and delusional white-trash dad.

In this light, “Lolita” ’s subtitle, “The Confessions of a White Widowed Male,” stands out as a joke on the well-intentioned psychologizing editor, John Ray, Jr., Ph.D. For Humbert to have given his manuscript such a subtitle was a comic understatement of major proportions. Humbert is not so much a “white widowed male” as he is a maniac who should have been locked up, and the key thrown away, on page 42. Nothing is as funny as a criminal when he is carefully describing the (to him) self-evident and exonerating reasons for his crime. That kind of monologue will be funny almost from the first syllable and get only funnier as it goes on, even as your horror rises. “Lolita” is written in a monster’s voice, and the comedy and horror come from our awareness that the narrator is a ten-times-bigger monster than he knows.

My mother died thirty-two years ago, and as I reread the book recently for the _n_th time I used her eyes and winced and recoiled the way I imagine she did. (It really is a wince-inducing book, and far more so today.) I go back to the scene in “Huckleberry Finn” where Pap Finn is getting drunk before he starts chasing Huck around and calling him the angel of death and trying to kill him. As the liquor takes hold, Pap begins a lowlife soliloquy about the “gov’ment,” and about a white-shirted [N-word] who wouldn’t have given Pap the right of way if Pap hadn’t shoved the [N-word] off the sidewalk; and, while Pap is ripping and tearing around, he stumbles over a tub on the floor and then kicks it for revenge. “But it warn’t good judgement,” Huck says, “because that was the boot that had a couple of his toes leakin’ out the front.” Pap lets out a scream “that fairly made a body’s hair raise,” and then hops around cursing the gov’ment, and the [N-word], and the tub, with unprintable curses “hove” at all of them.

The scene is one of the wildest and funniest in American literature. Humbert’s tale—his long and morally clueless address to the winged gentlemen and -women of the jury—belongs in the same atrocious-hilarious genre. “Lolita” continues to challenge the equanimity of sane and decent readers, just as it has become difficult or impossible, for all practical purposes, to read Pap’s soliloquy out loud in respectable circles today. (That may have always been the case, but for changing reasons.) Horror and comedy entangle themselves with each other in these great American works of satire until our laughter and our recoiling become almost the same.

America construes itself as a game that anybody can play, and Russians know how to play it well, as we learn and relearn. In “Lolita,” Nabokov gave us a copy of ourselves we couldn’t tell from the original. No American writer has done the reverse—has written a novel about Russia that understood the country so profoundly, and that Russians themselves read widely and loved. “Lolita” is an American book in a way that no novel by a native-born American is a Russian book. It’s an American masterpiece of the atrocious-hilarious, like “Huckleberry Finn.” We encounter these works as best we can, and fail to civilize them, and pass by in our generations, and they remain. ♦

This piece is drawn from “Lolita in the Afterlife,” a collection of essays edited by Jenny Minton Quigley, which will be published by Penguin Random House in March.

Published in the print edition of the December 14, 2020, issue, with the headline “Rereading “Lolita”.”

 

Tuesday, December 01, 2020

Barbra Streisand Is, as Ever, Firmly in Control

 Barbra Streisand Is, as Ever, Firmly in Control

Since her breakout in the 1960s, she’s been able to convince the world around her to listen — not by chasing trends but by remaining always and fully herself.

By James B. Stewart NY Times Magazine



THE DAY I arrive at Barbra Streisand’s property, she is on the phone with the Christie’s auction house in London. Outside, it’s a brilliantly sunny California afternoon in October, the skies clear of the ash cloud that recently blanketed Los Angeles.

Collecting is one of Streisand’s passions. On the walls of her sprawling Malibu home are early 19th-century American folk-art portraits, including several by the master of the genre, Ammi Phillips, a New England artist known for his spare, enigmatic, almost Modernist images. Streisand has been buying them since the late 1980s and is especially drawn to paintings of a mother with her child. She also owns two of George Washington, one done by Charles Peale Polk in 1795 while Washington was still alive, which Streisand has promised to Mount Vernon, the Virginia museum that was once the president’s home. (The other is by Gilbert Stuart.) We could be in Newport, R.I., or Colonial Williamsburg, except that Streisand’s husband of 22 years, the actor James Brolin, a fit-looking 80, is working beside the large pool just outside the living room windows, with the Pacific Ocean his backdrop.

An assistant leads me to an annex Streisand calls the barn, where she and her husband did most of their entertaining before the pandemic struck. This “barn” is a vast structure with a spiral staircase in a silo, a napping room, a frozen yogurt machine and more evidence of Streisand’s wide-ranging tastes: There are meticulously recreated rooms in the American colonial, Art Nouveau, Scottish Mackintosh and Arts and Crafts styles. Streisand has rotated through these movements and others, going through “periodic purges,” as she puts it, when her tastes in interior decorating (and, she adds, hairstyles) have changed. By the end of her Art Deco phase, circa 1974 to 1994, “I never wanted to look at Art Deco again,” she wrote in her 2010 coffee-table book, “My Passion for Design.” She put most of the pieces up for auction, an ordeal that inspired Jonathan Tolins’s 2013 Off Broadway play, “Buyer & Cellar.”

I’ve been settled in a cavernous screening room, filled with overstuffed sofas and chairs, when suddenly, Streisand appears. She’s wearing a black top of her own design and a pair of $20 pants she bought online from a company called Simplicitie, and has just had her shoulder-length hair highlighted — which I know because she said the dye job distracted her from that afternoon’s 600-point reversal in the Dow Jones industrial average. The stock market is another of Streisand’s passions. She wakes up most mornings at 6:30 a.m. to check the opening in New York. If she finds the action “interesting,” she trades. Then she goes back to bed.

Coming face-to-face with Streisand, who is 78, is a shock. Nearly her entire adult life has been chronicled in images — onscreen; in photographs — and she’s the subject of scores of unauthorized biographies, none of which she’s read. She’s won Oscars, a Tony, Emmys, even the Presidential Medal of Freedom. For six years, she’s been working on an autobiography that she says is nearing completion. She’s been a presence in my life since I was a teenager and saw her in 1968’s “Funny Girl,” a heartbreaking film about the devastated Broadway diva Fanny Brice that prompted my sister to lock herself in her room for a half-hour sob.

Streisand is still a little breathless as she settles into a chair at a safe distance. I ask if she won the auction. “Yes!” she exclaims. “It was nerve-racking.” She extends her phone to show me an image of “Peasant Woman With Child on her Lap,” an 1885 Vincent van Gogh painting rendered in somber grays, blues and browns. (I later see on the Christie’s website that the work sold for $4.47 million, well above its high estimate of $3.8 million. She’s loaning it to a museum.)

Streisand has always collected: In 1964, when she was starring in “Funny Girl” on Broadway, she saved enough from her $2,500-a-week salary to buy a small Matisse, her first major purchase. Art satisfies her urge both to collect and invest — a Klimt she bought in 1969 for $17,000 sold years later for $650,000. And, she says, “I love things that are beautiful. I think I have a good eye — in some ways my entire life has been a quest for beauty.”

 

But her love of things also fills a void. “Sometimes I think it’s all connected to the loss of a parent,” Streisand writes in her design book. Her father, Emanuel, a high school English teacher, died in 1943 at age 35, when Streisand was 15 months old. “Because you’d do anything to get that mother or father back. But you can’t. … Yet with objects, there’s a possibility.”

STREISAND SEEMS HAPPIER talking about art than music, but any story about her life must begin with her singing voice: “one of the natural wonders of the age, an instrument of infinite diversity and timbral resource,” as Glenn Gould, the celebrated classical pianist, once put it. Only the great 20th-century soprano Elisabeth Schwarzkopf brought him comparable listening pleasure.

In the weeks before we meet, I revisited many of Streisand’s recordings, going back to her 1965 album “My Name Is Barbra.” Even now, her voice is instantly recognizable; she is able to fuse musicality and drama to a degree few singers — with the exception of Maria Callas — can. Equally impressive is her sense of restraint; some of her most memorable songs begin quietly, even haltingly. On the title track that opens “My Name Is Barbra,” she starts off unaccompanied, relying solely on her voice, as if to say, “Listen closely, you’ve never heard anything like this.” She often employs a penetrating, somewhat nasal sound, a remnant of her childhood in Brooklyn, but as she adds volume, her tone broadens and her voice soars into its upper range. Finally, just when you think she has nowhere else to go, she unleashes her full vibrato, holding the climactic note seemingly forever — or, to be precise, a remarkable 18 seconds, as with the ending of “A Piece of Sky,” one of the hits from her 1983 film, “Yentl.”

Streisand famously has had no serious musical education, yet I tell her that I find it hard to believe that her formidable vocal technique — her distinct phrasing, enormous range, expressive vibrato and skill at sustaining dynamics from pianissimos to double fortes — hasn’t been the result of countless hours of practice and training. “What’s a double forte?” she asks.

She says her ability to hold a note can be largely attributed to one quality: willpower. “Streisand was a prodigy,” says Michael Kosarin, the music director, arranger and conductor. “About the only thing I can compare it to is Luciano Pavarotti,” the operatic tenor, who, like Streisand, didn’t read music. “Singers can be overtrained. The technique can get in the way of the acting.” He pointed to her rendition of the song “My Man” from “Funny Girl”— “In the first half she’s barely singing. Some notes are a little off-pitch. She’s overcome by emotion. It’s perfect for telling the story, not perfect in and of itself.”

Streisand says her vocal stylings came to her naturally. She sings like she speaks, and when she does, she often inhabits a character. She’s playing a part, and acting is what she always wanted to do. Her legendary voice, it seems, has mainly been a means to other ends: She’ll only do a concert these days, she says, so she can “buy a painting or give the money away to charity.” But singing has paid for her cliffside Malibu compound and the objects within. It has financed the causes and political candidates she believes in. It has fueled her investing. “She sees herself as much bigger than a singer or actor,” says the composer and lyricist Stephen Sondheim, 90, who has known Streisand since she was 19; they played card games together during rehearsals for Streisand’s run in her Broadway debut, 1962’s “I Can Get It for You Wholesale,” directed by Sondheim’s friend Arthur Laurents. “She’s a political figure who affects things that go well beyond entertainment.”

Perhaps Streisand is so nonchalant about her vocal talent because it came to her so easily. By the age of 5, she says, she was known in her Williamsburg, Brooklyn, neighborhood as the “girl with no father and a good voice.” (Her father obviously still looms large: She proudly mentions that he taught the classics to prison inmates in Elmira, N.Y.) Her mother, Diana, had a natural operatic voice but never sang professionally: She supported Barbra and Barbra’s older brother, Sheldon, by working as a school secretary and a bookkeeper. She warned her daughter not to pursue a career in show business, because, as Streisand recalls, “I didn’t look like the movie stars I read about in magazines.” She now believes her mother was jealous of her talent. “I didn’t really like my life as a child,” she says. “I thought, ‘This can’t be it.’” Her mother remarried and, at 16, Streisand graduated high school early and moved to Manhattan. (Streisand has a half sister, Roslyn Kind, but rarely mentions her or Sheldon, a Long Island real estate investor.)

At 18, Streisand heard about a talent contest at the Lion, a club in Greenwich Village. She had recently been fired from her job as a clerk and phone operator for a printing company and was being repeatedly rejected for acting gigs. The prize was $50 and a free dinner of London broil, and she needed both. Along with auditioning and interviewing, she also was reinventing herself: She said she was from Smyrna, Turkey, using the ancient Greek name for the city (“I pronounced it with an accent and a rolled ‘R’ — ‘Smeerrna’!”), a vaguely plausible claim given her features. “I didn’t want to be labeled as some girl from Brooklyn,” she says. After she sang Harold Arlen and Truman Capote’s 1954 song “A Sleepin’ Bee,” there was a stunned silence — and then, thunderous applause. She followed with the 1952 jazz hit “Lullaby of Birdland,” walking through the small, packed room with her microphone. She won.

She didn’t realize until she arrived that the Lion was a gay bar, but it seems fitting that she got her start there. As William J. Mann, author of the 2012 book “Hello Gorgeous: Becoming Barbra Streisand” has written, many of her early friends and influences turned out to be gay men, and “gay audiences instinctively recognized something very familiar about her, a shared sensibility.” Streisand is routinely ranked as a gay icon alongside Judy GarlandBette Midler and Lady Gaga, who, to varying degrees, embody a combination of glamour and suffering that can only be redeemed by love, requited or (more often) not. “The Man That Got Away,” the 1954 torch song originated by Garland that later became a hit for Streisand, has been a queer anthem for decades.

Theater mavens and celebrities began making their way to the Lion for Streisand’s weekly performances, and after a month or so, she moved on to the more upscale Bon Soir nearby. One memorable night there, she met her future lifelong manager, Martin Erlichman; on another, Alan and Marilyn Bergman, the lyricists who would later write many of her most enduring songs, including 1973’s “The Way We Were” (written with Marvin Hamlisch) and, a decade later, the “Yentl” soundtrack (with Michel Legrand). In 1962, Laurents hired her for “I Can Get It for You Wholesale.” In that play, the 19-year-old Streisand stopped the show with her solo “Miss Marmelstein,” a comic vocal masterpiece in which she complains that more attractive girls get called by their first names. Overnight, she became a Broadway star. (In 1963, she married her “Wholesale” co-star, Elliott Gould, whom she divorced eight years later; they have a son, Jason.) Her next theatrical break came in 1964, with “Funny Girl.” Though the musical — about an early 20th-century Ziegfeld star who won and then lost her man — seems written for Streisand, the producers only settled on her after Anne Bancroft and Carol Burnett turned down the role.

Streisand’s mother was right that she wasn’t conventionally pretty, at least not in the aristocratic, Grace Kelly mold. She repeatedly rebuffed advice to have her nose cosmetically altered, and instead made it one of her signature features; she learned to deploy her Brooklyn accent for comic effect. Audiences couldn’t take their eyes off her. While doing seven Broadway performances a week, Streisand also taped her “My Name Is Barbra” TV special for CBS, a vocal tour de force that extended her fame nationwide. At 21, she landed on the cover of Time magazine: “She touches the heart with her awkwardness, her lunging humor and a bravery that is all the more winning because she seems so vulnerable,” the magazine’s reporter wrote.

Streisand’s performances in “Funny Girl,” and her televised rendition of its hit song “People,” were so indelible that the show has proved largely impervious to revival. “I’d never touch it,” says Sierra Boggess, who has starred in “The Phantom of the Opera” and “School of Rock” on Broadway. Streisand “is so ruthlessly herself and so unique. I wouldn’t know how to make it my own.” It’s hard to imagine anyone today replicating Streisand’s astonishing rise to stardom — discovered in an obscure gay nightclub and anointed by an elite group of powerful cultural gatekeepers. Yet, even as social media has spawned a new generation of pop stars, Streisand’s appeal endures, unaffected by shifting tastes. Her relevancy comes not from following musical trends but from refusing to do so.

TODAY, STREISAND CALLS herself an actor first. Though she never had music lessons, she studied with the renowned acting teacher Allan Miller while she was still a teenager and absorbed the Method approach taught at New York’s Actors Studio (she was deemed too young to enroll but was later made an honorary life member). One of her unfulfilled dreams is to have performed in the classics, particularly in Shakespeare’s “Romeo and Juliet” and “Antony and Cleopatra.”

Acting is also what drew her to Sondheim’s songs. “He gives you so much to work with,” she says. “I love singing his songs because they’re written for characters in a play where there’s a beginning, a middle and an end — and then I try to relate that to parts of myself.” Both Streisand and Sondheim recall that while working on his song “Send in the Clowns” from the 1973 musical “A Little Night Music” for her 1985 album of Broadway show tunes, she struggled with what she considered an “emotional gap” between the last stanzas. The climactic line — “Quick, send in the clowns. / Don’t bother, they’re here.” — comes before the last stanza in the Broadway original, but Streisand called Sondheim and asked if she could move that line to the end. It’s hard to imagine any other performer who’d dare edit Sondheim’s work, but two hours later he called her back to say that “she was right and astute,” Sondheim recalls. In the stage version of the song, the last stanzas are separated by dialogue that makes explicit the predicament the former lovers face: that the aging actress Desiree is still in love with the man she once rejected, who is now married to a younger woman. So Sondheim wrote a musical bridge and additional lyrics for Streisand that became the version she sang on the album.

But Sondheim and Streisand quarreled some years ago over a new movie version of the musical “Gypsy,” in which Streisand would play Mama Rose, the role immortalized on Broadway by Ethel Merman in 1959. (Rosalind Russell starred in the 1962 movie version.) Although the musical is loosely based on the story of Gypsy Rose Lee, the American burlesque star, the show is dominated by Gypsy’s mother, a frustrated performer who pours her ambitions into her daughter — an archetypal stage mom. Streisand’s fans have long clamored to see her in the part, which seems tailored to her voice.

As the lyricist for the Broadway original, Sondheim controls the rights along with the estates of Laurents, who wrote the book, and Jule Styne, the composer. They were amenable to the project, but Streisand wanted to direct and star in the film, which Sondheim and Laurents resisted. Then she started tinkering with the book. (Streisand says she was only restoring the earlier movie version to the original book.) And now, a Barbra Streisand “Gypsy” — a possibility as recently as four years ago — is no longer on the table.

Still, attempting to rewrite one of the most celebrated books in Broadway history is entirely in character for Streisand, who tells me several times that artistic control has been far more important to her than money or critical acclaim. This has been true from the outset: She insisted upon — and won — contractual control over her first record album, even down to the cover design, which features a photograph of her performing at the Bon Soir.

Hollywood was another, altogether tougher industry, where women had long been at the mercy of powerful male studio heads and directors, and where even Streisand, already a major star, struggled to make herself heard. “Don’t let them do to you what they did to me,” Garland famously advised Streisand in the 1960s. Women were typically paid less than their male co-stars and strictly relegated to acting. “Actresses did not direct,” Streisand recalls. But for “Funny Girl,” her first film, she watched the dailies with its Oscar-winning director, William Wyler, offering her opinions along the way and learning the craft from one of its masters.

Later, for “The Way We Were,” Streisand’s co-star, Robert Redford, got $750,000 plus a share of the profits, while Streisand also got profit-sharing but was paid $400,000 less. She wanted to star in and direct a sequel, but requested a $400,000 director’s fee to make up the pay difference. Her producer, Ray Stark, flatly refused. No sequel was made. In those years, male stars negotiated for a percentage of a film’s gross revenue, rather than the often nonexistent net profit. Streisand joined their ranks with 1976’s “A Star Is Born,” and helped begin the still-ongoing fight for gender pay equity in Hollywood. “It wasn’t easy,” recalls Michael Ovitz, the former Hollywood agent who represented her during the ’80s and ’90s. “The business didn’t value women as much as men. Barbra could be tough as nails. She stood up for what she believed in, with enormous integrity.”

Streisand in political fund-raising mode ‘is dazzling to behold,’ says Nancy Pelosi. ‘It’s not just because she’s a celebrity. She knows the issues. She’s studied. She can explain why she supports what she does. That’s what’s persuasive.’

It wasn’t until 1983, with “Yentl,” that she finally got the chance to direct. She’d bought the rights to the Isaac Bashevis Singer short story “Yentl the Yeshiva Boy” in 1970. Her original vision was for a nonmusical, black-and-white art film, but “the only way I could get ‘Yentl’ made was to sing in it,” she says. The movie eventually emerged as a lavish full-color musical. Streisand starred as a young woman in a Jewish shtetl who poses as a man to pursue an education. She also directed, co-wrote the screenplay and produced it.

“Yentl” grossed over $40 million and won Streisand a Golden Globe for best director, but not even a nomination from the male-dominated Directors Guild of America. “Maybe in the next few years, with more women directing, they’ll get used to us,” Streisand said at that year’s Globes ceremony. Since then, only one woman has won the Oscar for best director — Kathryn Bigelow in 2010 (and only five women have been nominated). “It’s a disgrace more women haven’t,” Streisand says. She hasn’t directed a film since 1996’s “The Mirror Has Two Faces,” a romantic comedy in which Streisand — finally — wins and keeps her handsome leading man, played by Jeff Bridges. It proved to be a case of life imitating art: The year the movie was released, Streisand met Brolin.

STREISAND’S INSISTENCE on control and obsession with detail have been criticized for much of her life: She is “difficult,” “demanding,” a “perfectionist,” all of which she readily acknowledges. It’s hard to imagine a comparable male star or director being subjected to the same criticism. In any event, it’s impossible to fault the results. “So she’s a perfectionist,” says Kosarin. “Most geniuses are perfectionists. Look at Steve Jobs.”

While Streisand insists that money is secondary to her, financial security is another form of control. She’s brought the same determination and self-education to stocks as to art, antiques and real estate. Jim Cramer, who discussed the market with her as a hedge fund manager before he became a popular CNBC host, told me she knew more about initial public offerings than most traders. “And she hated to lose,” he adds.

Streisand says she’s earned millions trading stocks — several million between 1998 and 2000 alone. (“I’d be up at 6:30, light a fire, have a hot chocolate and trade until 1 p.m.”) She admits she’s not the most disciplined investor: She panicked during the crash in 1987 (“I lost a fortune”), and again in March when the market plunged because of pandemic fears. But her instincts have been sound: She bought Apple, Amazon, Netflix and Google shares when her then-financial adviser said they were too speculative. Her adviser steered her into Disney stock in 2011, and she likes to give shares as presents to children in her life. She can get the Apple chief executive, Tim Cook, on the phone and recently asked him to correct Siri’s pronunciation of her name from Strei-zand to Strei-sand. He agreed. “People mispronounce my name no matter how famous I am,” she laments.

Apple is now the biggest holding in her charity, the Streisand Foundation, which funds various progressive causes — racial equality, women’s rights, civil rights, L.G.B.T.Q. rights and voting rights — with a particular focus on climate change and the environment. She helped endow the Barbra Streisand Women’s Heart Center at Cedars-Sinai in Los Angeles, and co-founded the Women’s Heart Alliance to support research on heart disease in women.

also raised money for political candidates, including every Democratic presidential nominee since John F. Kennedy (she sang for Kennedy at the 1963 White House Correspondents’ Dinner when she was barely in her 20s). And while she has never been an activist in the mold of, say, Jane Fonda, her influence may be more far-reaching. She befriended Nancy Pelosi, the current speaker of the House, in 1986, when Streisand hosted a Congressional fund-raiser at her own Malibu home. “It took real courage back then to get involved because the entertainment industry believed there’d be a backlash,” Pelosi says. “She tended to every detail,” the politician recalls, even serving the black-and-white cookies popular in Baltimore, Pelosi’s hometown. Streisand in fund-raising mode “is dazzling to behold,” Pelosi tells me. “It’s not just because she’s a celebrity. She knows the issues. She’s studied. She can explain why she supports what she does. That’s what’s persuasive.”

Streisand’s early forays into politics faced criticism at the time: “When I first directed a movie,” Streisand told the Los Angeles Times in 1993, “it was as if I was being told how dare I attempt to infiltrate a man’s domain. Now it’s: How dare I be interested in politics.” And yet, because of her, Hollywood activism is now commonplace. “She doesn’t have to do this,” Pelosi adds. “She does it out of patriotism. She loves our country.”

The Trump presidency has summoned a new level of outrage in Streisand. “What do I hate most about Trump? He lies every day,” she says. “He has the compulsion to lie, even when the facts say something different. The worst lie was about the pandemic. Why not face facts? Why not tell the truth? People are stronger than you think — they can handle the truth. It would have saved thousands of lives.” She wrote the song “Don’t Lie to Me” for her most recent album, 2018’s “Walls,” to “express my despair and anger”: “Why can’t you just tell me the truth? / Hard to believe the things you say, / Why can’t you feel the tears I cried today, cried today, cried today? / How do you win if we all lose?” (Of a Joe Biden presidency, she says, “I’m exhilarated … [He] will bring back dignity, honesty, intelligence and compassion to the Oval Office. I look forward to that.”)

Streisand gave an extended analysis of her politics in an address titled “The Artist as Citizen” in 1995 at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. “I am also very proud to be a liberal,” she told the packed auditorium. “Why is that so terrible these days? The liberals were liberators — they fought slavery, fought for women to have the right to vote, fought against Hitler, Stalin, fought to end segregation, fought to end apartheid. Liberals put an end to child labor and they gave us the five-day workweek! What’s to be ashamed of?”

“I spent three months working on that speech,” she says, yet she hadn’t realized that she would be speaking in front of so many cameras and news outlets. “My heart was in my throat.” Her near-paralysis there echoed an incident from 1967 when, overcome by stage fright, she forgot her lyrics during a concert in Central Park in front of an estimated 135,000 people. Other than for political or charitable events, she didn’t sing live at a major concert for 27 years. “What if I forgot the lyrics again?” she asks. Nearly everyone suffers to some degree from performance anxiety, but psychologists say it can become acute when a fear of being judged merges with deep-seated insecurity. Even after all these years, Streisand recalls that the Times columnist Maureen Dowd was in the audience at her Harvard speech, and the prospect of a bad review terrified her.

“I still think I’m like most creative people are — confident at times and insecure at times,” she says. “I don’t know if that ever goes away.” Today, after years of therapy when she was younger, she’s “much more grounded.” She still doesn’t know the source of her early brashness. “I think I had more of that when I was young,” she says. Streisand has repeatedly portrayed strong, successful women onscreen, but “she isn’t afraid to make herself vulnerable,” says Kosarin. “That makes her so approachable. There’s an alchemy there that makes her a star.”

LIKE MANY ASPECTS of her personality, she traces that undertow of vulnerability to not having known her father, a subject she returns to several times in our conversations this fall. His absence haunts her still. Last May, Streisand, like the rest of the world, watched George Floyd being killed by the Minneapolis police. She was struck by the horror of Floyd’s death, but she was struck as well by his 6-year-old daughter, Gianna, now left fatherless. To lose a father — “I know how that feels,” Streisand says. So, in June, Streisand sent Gianna some shares of Disney stock, along with a letter, written from the perspective of a young girl whose father has died.

“I think our dads watch over us forever,” Streisand wrote. “When you get older and have a decision to make … just close your eyes and ask him for help. And if you listen very carefully, he will lead you to the right choice. I promise!

Love, Barbra.”

James B. Stewart is a columnist at The Times and the author of nine books, most recently "Deep State: Trump, the FBI and the Rule of Law." He won the 1988 Pulitzer Prize for explanatory journalism and is a professor of business journalism at Columbia University.  

 

Thursday, November 26, 2020

Pope Francis: A Crisis Reveals What Is in Our Hearts

 Pope Francis: A Crisis Reveals What Is in Our Hearts

To come out of this pandemic better than we went in, we must let ourselves be touched by others’ pain.

By Pope Francis 

In this past year of change, my mind and heart have overflowed with people. People I think of and pray for, and sometimes cry with, people with names and faces, people who died without saying goodbye to those they loved, families in difficulty, even going hungry, because there’s no work.

Sometimes, when you think globally, you can be paralyzed: There are so many places of apparently ceaseless conflict; there’s so much suffering and need. I find it helps to focus on concrete situations: You see faces looking for life and love in the reality of each person, of each people. You see hope written in the story of every nation, glorious because it’s a story of daily struggle, of lives broken in self-sacrifice. So rather than overwhelm you, it invites you to ponder and to respond with hope.

These are moments in life that can be ripe for change and conversion. Each of us has had our own “stoppage,” or if we haven’t yet, we will someday: illness, the failure of a marriage or a business, some great disappointment or betrayal. As in the Covid-19 lockdown, those moments generate a tension, a crisis that reveals what is in our hearts.

In every personal “Covid,” so to speak, in every “stoppage,” what is revealed is what needs to change: our lack of internal freedom, the idols we have been serving, the ideologies we have tried to live by, the relationships we have neglected.

When I got really sick at the age of 21, I had my first experience of limit, of pain and loneliness. It changed the way I saw life. For months, I didn’t know who I was or whether I would live or die. The doctors had no idea whether I’d make it either. I remember hugging my mother and saying, “Just tell me if I’m going to die.” I was in the second year of training for the priesthood in the diocesan seminary of Buenos Aires.

I remember the date: Aug. 13, 1957. I got taken to a hospital by a prefect who realized mine was not the kind of flu you treat with aspirin. Straightaway they took a liter and a half of water out of my lungs, and I remained there fighting for my life. The following November they operated to take out the upper right lobe of one of the lungs. I have some sense of how people with Covid-19 feel as they struggle to breathe on a ventilator.

I remember especially two nurses from this time. One was the senior ward matron, a Dominican sister who had been a teacher in Athens before being sent to Buenos Aires. I learned later that following the first examination by the doctor, after he left she told the nurses to double the dose of medication he had prescribed — basically penicillin and streptomycin — because she knew from experience I was dying. Sister Cornelia Caraglio saved my life. Because of her regular contact with sick people, she understood better than the doctor what they needed, and she had the courage to act on her knowledge.

Another nurse, Micaela, did the same when I was in intense pain, secretly prescribing me extra doses of painkillers outside my due times. Cornelia and Micaela are in heaven now, but I’ll always owe them so much. They fought for me to the end, until my eventual recovery. They taught me what it is to use science but also to know when to go beyond it to meet particular needs. And the serious illness I lived through taught me to depend on the goodness and wisdom of others.

This theme of helping others has stayed with me these past months. In lockdown I’ve often gone in prayer to those who sought all means to save the lives of others. So many of the nurses, doctors and caregivers paid that price of love, together with priests, and religious and ordinary people whose vocations were service. We return their love by grieving for them and honoring them.

Whether or not they were conscious of it, their choice testified to a belief: that it is better to live a shorter life serving others than a longer one resisting that call. That’s why, in many countries, people stood at their windows or on their doorsteps to applaud them in gratitude and awe. They are the saints next door, who have awakened something important in our hearts, making credible once more what we desire to instill by our preaching.

They are the antibodies to the virus of indifference. They remind us that our lives are a gift and we grow by giving of ourselves, not preserving ourselves but losing ourselves in service.

With some exceptions, governments have made great efforts to put the well-being of their people first, acting decisively to protect health and to save lives. The exceptions have been some governments that shrugged off the painful evidence of mounting deaths, with inevitable, grievous consequences. But most governments acted responsibly, imposing strict measures to contain the outbreak.

Yet some groups protested, refusing to keep their distance, marching against travel restrictions — as if measures that governments must impose for the good of their people constitute some kind of political assault on autonomy or personal freedom! Looking to the common good is much more than the sum of what is good for individuals. It means having a regard for all citizens and seeking to respond effectively to the needs of the least fortunate.

It is all too easy for some to take an idea — in this case, for example, personal freedom — and turn it into an ideology, creating a prism through which they judge everything.

The coronavirus crisis may seem special because it affects most of humankind. But it is special only in how visible it is. There are a thousand other crises that are just as dire, but are just far enough from some of us that we can act as if they don’t exist. Think, for example, of the wars scattered across different parts of the world; of the production and trade in weapons; of the hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing poverty, hunger and lack of opportunity; of climate change. These tragedies may seem distant from us, as part of the daily news that, sadly, fails to move us to change our agendas and priorities. But like the Covid-19 crisis, they affect the whole of humanity.

Look at us now: We put on face masks to protect ourselves and others from a virus we can’t see. But what about all those other unseen viruses we need to protect ourselves from? How will we deal with the hidden pandemics of this world, the pandemics of hunger and violence and climate change?

If we are to come out of this crisis less selfish than when we went in, we have to let ourselves be touched by others’ pain. There’s a line in Friedrich Hölderlin “Hyperion” that speaks to me, about how the danger that threatens in a crisis is never total; there’s always a way out: “Where the danger is, also grows the saving power.” That’s the genius in the human story: There’s always a way to escape destruction. Where humankind has to act is precisely there, in the threat itself; that’s where the door opens.

This is a moment to dream big, to rethink our priorities — what we value, what we want, what we seek — and to commit to act in our daily life on what we have dreamed of.

God asks us to dare to create something new. We cannot return to the false securities of the political and economic systems we had before the crisis. We need economies that give to all access to the fruits of creation, to the basic needs of life: to land, lodging and labor. We need a politics that can integrate and dialogue with the poor, the excluded and the vulnerable, that gives people a say in the decisions that affect their lives. We need to slow down, take stock and design better ways of living together on this earth.

The pandemic has exposed the paradox that while we are more connected, we are also more divided. Feverish consumerism breaks the bonds of belonging. It causes us to focus on our self-preservation and makes us anxious. Our fears are exacerbated and exploited by a certain kind of populist politics that seeks power over society. It is hard to build a culture of encounter, in which we meet as people with a shared dignity, within a throwaway culture that regards the well-being of the elderly, the unemployed, the disabled and the unborn as peripheral to our own well-being.

To come out of this crisis better, we have to recover the knowledge that as a people we have a shared destination. The pandemic has reminded us that no one is saved alone. What ties us to one another is what we commonly call solidarity. Solidarity is more than acts of generosity, important as they are; it is the call to embrace the reality that we are bound by bonds of reciprocity. On this solid foundation we can build a better, different, human future.

Pope Francis is the head of the Catholic Church and the bishop of Rome. This essay has been adapted from his new book “Let Us Dream: The Path to a Better Future,” written with Austen Ivereigh.

Tuesday, November 17, 2020

Underground Movement Trying to Topple the North Korean Regime

 

The Underground Movement Trying to Topple the North Korean Regime

Adrian Hong says he leads a group of “freedom fighters” conducting a revolution. Has the U.S. already betrayed them?

By Suki Kim The New Yorker

Free Joseon, a secret network mobilizing against Kim Jong Un’s dictatorship, aims to form a provisional government.

On the afternoon of February 22, 2019, a tall Asian man rang the doorbell of the North Korean Embassy in Madrid. His business card identified him as Matthew Chao, an investor from Baron Stone Capital, with offices in Toronto and Dubai. Once he was allowed in, nine men in their twenties and thirties, carrying pellet guns, knives, and metal bars, entered. They covered their faces with black balaclavas, tied up four staffers with zip ties and handcuffs, and herded them into a meeting room, before taking a senior Embassy official to the basement. His wife and his eight-year-old son were put in a room on the first floor. 

About thirty minutes later, an employee of a nearby gym was driving past the Embassy and came across a woman, her face covered in blood, who had jumped from a second-floor balcony. The gym employee called for an ambulance, and, when it arrived, the woman told the medics that there were intruders in the Embassy killing people. Soon, the police rang the doorbell of the Embassy. The tall Asian man, now wearing a badge featuring the face of Kim Jong Un, North Korea’s Great Leader, came out and told the police that there had been a misunderstanding. At 9:40 p.m., most of the men drove off in Embassy cars. An Uber, ordered under the name Oswaldo Trump, pulled up nearby, and the final two members of the group left in it. Afterward, the North Koreans walked out of the Embassy looking beaten and dishevelled. An Italian I.D. bearing the name Matthew Chao was found by the police. 

It was a delicate time for relations between North Korea and the United States. In 2017, the two countries had seemed to be on the brink of war. Donald Trump warned North Korea that it would be met with “fire and fury” if it continued to antagonize the U.S. A month later, North Korea conducted its sixth nuclear test. At Trump’s first address to the United Nations, he threatened to “totally destroy North Korea,” and called Kim Jong Un “rocket man.” But then Trump seemed to have a change of heart, and in June, 2018, he met Kim in Singapore; it was the first time that leaders of the two countries had met in a bilateral summit. Trump pledged to work with Kim toward the “denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.” 

The incident at the Embassy occurred five days before Trump and Kim met again, in Hanoi, to discuss North Korea’s nuclear-weapons program. The Spanish government opened an investigation. On March 13th, El País connected the raid to the C.I.A., and suggested that the attackers had been searching for information on Kim Hyok Chol, the former Ambassador to Spain, who now led the negotiations with the U.S. 

The Hanoi summit was not a success. The White House claimed that North Korea had demanded an end to nearly all sanctions, for almost nothing in return, prompting Trump to abandon the talks. 

On March 14th, El Mundo reported that the South Korean government may also have been involved in the incident at the Embassy. Not long afterward, the Washington Post reported that, in fact, a “shadowy group” called Cheollima Civil Defense had raided the Embassy. Soon, a Spanish court identified the participants as citizens of the U.S., South Korea, and Mexico, and issued arrest warrants. In late March, North Korea’s foreign ministry called the break-in “a grave terrorist attack” and demanded that the Spanish authorities “bring the terrorists and their wire pullers to justice.” 

I was at home in New York, watching the news, when I saw the headline “Mexican national accused of breaking into North Korea’s Spanish Embassy.” The accompanying story identified the leader of C.C.D. as Adrian Hong. I sat upright. I had met Adrian in 2003, at the Korean American Students Conference at Cornell, where I had been invited to talk about my newly published novel. Adrian was representing Yale, where he was an undergraduate. We spoke briefly, but I didn’t hear from him again until 2014, when he contacted me through Twitter and e-mail. I had recently published a book, “Without You, There Is No Us: Undercover Among the Sons of North Korea’s Elite,” based on my reporting while living undercover in Pyongyang for six months, in a locked compound with two hundred and seventy North Korean young men who make up the country’s future leadership. Adrian’s messages were insistent yet vague. He wanted to meet to discuss North Korea, but refused to elaborate, and we never got together. 

Now I sent him an e-mail, though I didn’t expect to hear back. He was being hunted by the governments of Spain and North Korea, and it was unclear if the U.S. would attempt to find and extradite him. He hadn’t spoken to the media. But, within seconds, my phone buzzed. It was Adrian. 

The next day, a tall Asian man wearing a baseball cap and a black windbreaker walked into the Times Square location of Dallas BBQ. It was 9:30 p.m., and the place was packed. We sat in a corner booth, Adrian with his back to the wall. He asked for my cell phone, which he put in a black pouch with his own. “This cuts unwelcome guests listening in,” he said. His long hair was gathered in what he called a man bun, and he had a goatee. He looked like a student just returning from backpacking abroad, tired yet alert. 

For the next three and a half hours, over a plate of barbecue ribs with mac and cheese, Adrian told me the story of what had happened in Madrid, and about a secret network of what he called “freedom fighters,” including some within North Korea, who are trying to bring down Kim Jong Un’s government. Explaining why he had named the group Cheollima Civil Defense, Adrian likened it to the “righteous armies” throughout Korea’s thousands of years of history, “civilian militias who have mobilized spontaneously when government failed them.” 

“He says my eagle tastes fishy, so this year I’m trying something new.” 

March 1, 2019, a week after the raid, was the centennial of the launch of Korea’s movement for independence from Japan, which occupied the country for thirty-five years. To mark the date, the C.C.D. renamed itself Free Joseon—for a Korean dynasty that lasted five hundred years, as well as what North Koreans call their country—and posted a video on its Web site announcing a government-in-exile for North Korea. The group was now attempting to transition from a civilian militia to a provisional government. The video was largely ignored by the media, but it was the first time that there had ever been an organized opposition to North Korea’s dictatorship. 

Adrian told me that he, as “Matthew Chao,” and his companions had been let in by someone inside the Embassy. “It’s no longer trespassing if you are invited,” he said. Contrary to the speculations of the Spanish press, Free Joseon was not part of any government or intelligence service. “I have never worked for or been paid by or trained with or partnered with anyone at the C.I.A. or F.B.I.,” Adrian said. I found no evidence that Adrian was employed by either agency, but he certainly had some sort of relationship with them. Jay Lefkowitz, who served as the special envoy for human rights in North Korea under George W. Bush, told me that it is not uncommon for advocates and government officials to form informal relationships. “Adrian was on the front line,” Lefkowitz said. 

Free Joseon relied on resources that included “pro-bono labor, credit cards, and attempting things no government would risk,” Adrian told me. However, to set up a provisional government, the group also needed recognition. According to Adrian, “The plan was to have ambassadors and a cabinet in place.” He said that Free Joseon had initially received tacit support from members of the F.B.I. But then, he insisted, U.S. officials had turned on the group. (The F.B.I. declined to comment.) Within days of the Washington Post report, the Spanish court had the names of men involved in the raid. In the end, Adrian said, “the U.S. government sided with North Korea.” 

We left the restaurant at 1 a.m. When Adrian turned his phone on, it was filled with urgent messages from members of his group who feared for his safety. He put me in a taxi, and walked off through Times Square. 

Adrian began texting me nearly every night. He was in hiding, but I did not ask him where, since I assumed that our messages were being surveilled. Despite the circumstances, he never appeared panicked. He wrote in lofty, vague paragraphs, but when he described Free Joseon’s goals for freeing North Koreans from persecution he was precise and single-minded. “I don’t have a particular passion for North Korea, beyond that it’s culturally accessible to me and I am culturally equipped to advocate for it,” he told me. “It’s just the worst place on earth, and a symbol of what man’s ingenuity and tenacity can achieve when organized for evil.” 

Adrian was born in 1984 in Tijuana, where his parents had immigrated from South Korea. His father was a Tae Kwon Do master who converted to Christianity and became a missionary. The family moved to San Diego when Adrian was six, but his father founded an orphanage in Mexico to which Adrian often returned, delivering donated supplies and helping to give aid to the homeless. Later, he conducted relief missions in Haiti and the Dominican Republic. According to those who knew Adrian at the time, his motivations seemed less religious than humanitarian. Adrian, like his father, taught Tae Kwon Do and is a practicing Christian, but, when I asked him about his faith, he said, “I make it a rule not to discuss personal beliefs. I am more concerned about freedom of belief.” 

At Yale, Adrian became interested in the plight of North Koreans. In 2003, while visiting Los Angeles, Adrian, then a junior, was sitting with Paul (PK) Kim, a standup comic eight years older, at a café called Blink, on Wilshire Boulevard. They had met when Adrian invited PK to a campus event, and they often discussed starting an organization to help North Koreans. One of them looked up at the café’s sign, and decided to take the “B” out of the name and call the new group link—Liberty in North Korea. It was launched early the next year, at the Korean American Students Conference at Yale, which Adrian had organized. 

link was “ninety per cent Adrian,” PK told me; he became less involved after a couple of years. link sought out college students who, PK said, “need to be a part of something. So many young people join fraternities. They don’t want to be alone.” Adrian told me, “I built link on Xanga,” a blog-based social network then popular among Asian Americans, where he had been active since 1999. (PK said, “Asians were Internet addicts more than most other groups.”) Travelling to two or three college campuses a week, Adrian would change into his one “crappy suit,” and give presentations about the horrors of life in North Korea, sometimes screening the documentary film “Seoul Train,” which follows defectors escaping to China. Adrian got Asian American singers, rappers, and dance crews to accompany his presentations. 

Ki Hong Lee, a thirty-four-year-old Korean American actor who has appeared on the Netflix sitcom “Unbreakable Kimmy Schmidt,” met Adrian at a kascon event in 2005, when Lee was an undergraduate at the University of California at Berkeley. “If you spend three hours with Adrian, he makes you want to become a better person, do things you never thought about doing,” Lee told me. Lee helped start a chapter of link at Berkeley, and eventually he and Adrian travelled to South Korea to volunteer for an outreach program called Project Sunshine, which tried to raise awareness of the suffering of North Koreans. “You don’t really call someone to say, ‘Hey, you know what’s going on in the world that is messed up?’ ” Lee said. “He was that person I could do that with.” 

Adrian dropped out of Yale in his senior year, and set up link’s ad-hoc headquarters above Koryo Books, in Manhattan’s Koreatown, before moving it to Washington, D.C. By then, there were nearly seventy local chapters. A close friend who helped get link off the ground told me, “Adrian knew that sometimes you have to work outside a diplomatic norm in order to reach something meaningful.” Since the U.S. Administration could change every four years, the North Korean regime found it easy to wait it out and maintain the status quo. Adrian admired people who effected great change; among them were Ahn Chang-ho, an early leader of the Korean independence movement, whom Adrian compared to Thomas Jefferson, and Martin Luther King, Jr. Adrian loved King’s interpretation of the Good Samaritan parable, which tells us, when confronted with someone in need, to ask not “If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?” but “If I don’t stop to help this man, what will happen to him?” 

In 2004, George W. Bush signed the North Korean Human Rights Act, which made North Koreans broadly eligible for political asylum in the U.S. Two years later, Adrian and two other members of link travelled to Yanji, in northeast China, where they met four women and two teen-age boys who had escaped from North Korea and were hiding in an underground shelter. If the defectors were caught by Chinese authorities, they might be returned to North Korea, where they would be imprisoned in labor camps and risk execution. Adrian and the link workers accompanied them on a twenty-hour train ride to Shenyang, the site of the nearest U.S. consulate, to apply for asylum. But the consular officers turned them away, telling Adrian, over a phone line that had likely been tapped by the Chinese government, to go instead to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Beijing, some four hundred miles away. Adrian got in touch with the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, which also directed him to the U.N.H.C.R. Finally, Adrian hired a van for the other link members and the defectors, while he travelled by plane. Chinese police stopped the van on the highway and arrested everyone inside. Adrian was arrested in a hotel in Beijing, and he and the other link members were jailed for about a week before being deported; the North Koreans were detained for more than six months. After much pressure from link and other activist groups, the defectors were eventually freed and they flew to South Korea. Adrian called the actions of the U.S. consulate “unacceptable and shameful.” In 2007, he wrote on the Web site Freekorea.us, “My experiences in December showed me that three years after the North Korean Human Rights Act has passed, nothing has changed on the ground for North Koreans.” 

Jay Lefkowitz, the special envoy under Bush, says that Adrian was an “effective and ardent advocate.” By then, link had a hundred chapters worldwide. Yet Adrian’s experience in China had shifted something in him; in 2008, he abruptly resigned from the group. According to a journalist who knew him at the time, Adrian appeared to be severing ties with his former life. Adrian told the journalist that he was leaving D.C. and changing his phone number. The journalist wondered if Adrian was going to enter politics or get involved in intelligence. Adrian began styling himself to look older; he grew a beard, and slicked his hair back. He told a friend, “No one’s gonna listen to a twenty-something-year-old.” 

That year, Adrian started a think tank called the Joseon Institute, to generate a plan for a civil society in North Korea should the regime collapse. Adrian pointed out to me that North Korea lacked independent courts, accountable police, informed citizens, N.G.O.s, and a free press. There isn’t much evidence of the Joseon Institute’s work beyond its now defunct Web site, which lists a board of advisers that includes a British Member of Parliament and former leaders of Mongolia and Libya. Mustafa A. G. Abushagur, a former Deputy Prime Minister of Libya, who spent thirty-one years in exile because of his opposition to Muammar Qaddafi, described Adrian as “genuine” and as being interested in the parallels between Kim Jong Un and Qaddafi. He said, “Adrian knew I had been in the opposition for a long time, and thought that experience might be able to help him.” Adrian continued to work behind the scenes. In 2009, at a link benefit, the journalist Lisa Ling, whose sister Laura was detained in North Korea while reporting along the border and held for a hundred and forty days, thanked Adrian for helping to free her sister. (Neither Lisa nor Laura responded to a request for an interview.) 

Between 2009 and 2012, Adrian served as a ted fellow; he also spent a year at Princeton’s Center for Information Technology Policy. Emeka Okafor, who co-founded the ted fellowship program, told me, “Adrian was not excitable. He was a doer. He understood what it really took to deal with a certain regime, and was not starry-eyed about it.” Adrian travelled to Libya during the revolution, and after the fall of Qaddafi he and an activist and ted fellow named Suleiman Bakhit worked on medical services for civilian casualties. 

Yet Adrian found the world of N.G.O.s and advocacy groups unsatisfying. “We have all collectively accomplished almost nothing,” he told me. For years, the U.N.’s General Assembly and the Human Rights Council have voted to adopt resolutions condemning the human-rights violations of the North Korean regime. In 2014, U.N. investigators concluded, “The gravity, scale and nature of these violations reveal a state that does not have any parallel in the contemporary world.” In January of this year, when Human Rights Watch published its latest world report, John Sifton, the director of Asia Advocacy, said, “The people of North Korea suffer under constant surveillance and face the daily threat of imprisonment, torture, sexual abuse, and execution—and it’s been this way since 1948.” The summits with Donald Trump and South Korea’s President, Moon Jae-in, have, if anything, made things worse. The U.N. Security Council has fifteen members. In December, 2019, eight of them supported a meeting to discuss North Korea’s human-rights abuses, as the council has done in the past. In order to proceed, a ninth member was needed to sign on; the U.S. declined. 

“Raising awareness through college lectures, tours, concerts, and bake sales wasn’t enough,” Adrian told me. “Rescuing refugees through the underground work in China and Southeast Asia wasn’t enough. Advocacy, trying to convince governments to change their policies to do the right thing, wasn’t enough. So then what was left was direct action.” In 2010, Adrian started Cheollima Civil Defense, but he did not make its existence known to the public. Cheollima is the Korean equivalent of Pegasus, and during these years he listed his title as managing director of Pegasus Strategies L.L.C. 

In 2014, Adrian sent me a message asking for advice about a “project to prepare new infrastructure for a new North Korea.” Five years later, at Dallas BBQ, he explained that he had been trying to recruit me for Cheollima Civil Defense, now known as Free Joseon. He said, “I’ve been preparing for fifteen years. I’ve been vetting people, interviewing them for a job, essentially. Some within this field are motivated by career. Some by narcissism. Some truly believe in the better world. And those are the ones I was looking for.” Because I had risked my life to tell the truth about North Korea, Adrian seemed to view me as someone who shared his heartbreak about the country. 

On January 1, 2015, Adrian stopped posting on social media. His last tweet was a quote from Korea’s 1919 Declaration of Independence: “Behold! A new world is approaching before our very eyes! The age of might has receded, and the age of morality has arrived.” His last opinion piece had run the previous month, in The Atlantic, about the film “The Interview,” a slapstick tale of two white American heroes killing an evil dictator and saving North Korea, which allegedly prompted the North Korean government to hack the computers of Sony, which had made the film. (North Korea denied this, but called the attack “righteous.”) Many people found “The Interview” distasteful, a case of the most powerful country in the world entertaining itself at the expense of one of the most devastated. Adrian wrote, “The day will soon come when North Koreans are finally free, and liberated concentration camp survivors will have to learn that the world was more interested in the oddities of the oppressors than the torment of the oppressed.” 

In June, 2019, I flew to Europe to meet with two members of Free Joseon and a friend of the group. We met at a dingy, empty Chinese restaurant in a city I promised not to name. (According to Lee Wolosky, Adrian’s lawyer and the former special envoy for the closure of the Guantánamo detention facility, the F.B.I. has informed him that agents of the North Korean government have been ordered to kill Adrian and other members of the group.) Free Joseon mostly organizes outside the Korean Peninsula. There are thirty-three thousand defectors in South Korea, but Ko Young Hwan, who worked for North Korea’s ministry of foreign affairs from 1978 until he defected, in 1991, told me that, because South Korea doesn’t recognize North Korea as a sovereign nation, citizens can face legal consequences for proposing governments-in-exile. Relations between the two Koreas often vary according to which party controls the South Korean government. The current administration, led by Moon Jae-in, promotes engagement with North Korea, and defectors fear losing their new citizenship by agitating against the country. 

Two of the people I met at the restaurant were from the West. They had become involved with the group, in part, because they felt that people who were thought of as experts on North Korea—journalists, policymakers, and academics—frequently misrepresented how its society functioned. “There is no other subject area where the majority of the scholars in the subject do not speak the language,” one of them told me. The testimony of prominent defectors goes unheeded, because they often don’t speak English, and live under assumed identities. 

The third person was from North Korea. The member met Adrian around 2008, in Seoul, where the member had defected; they discussed ways to liberate the people of North Korea, who, the member said, are like “frogs inside a well.” They’re curious about the outside, but even the most privileged members of the society are held back by their lack of understanding of the world. “We needed an action-oriented network internationally, and Adrian fit the bill,” the member said. “He focussed on making friends in the West.” The other member added, “Adrian actually did, as a non-North Korean, what I had only ever seen North Korean refugees do: risk his life without advertising it.” 

By 2014, the two members had joined the group. “It’s not like there was any salary, a title, headquarters, or a badge. But we have a strategy and a vision,” one of them said. “There is no one else, no other entity in the world, that is working to represent the North Korean people, as opposed to the North Korean state.” Adrian wrote the first draft of the group’s declaration of independence, and other members revised it. The document was crafted to appeal to conservatives and liberals, defectors and those still inside North Korea, Koreans and non-Koreans. “We are not anti-unification or pro-unification,” a Free Joseon member told me. Adrian borrowed from other declarations of independence, including that of the United States. He also took a line from the Chinese national anthem: “Arise! Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves!” 

In the spring of 2017, between forty and fifty members of Free Joseon gathered in New York City. They settled on a number of priorities, among them rescuing prominent North Koreans. In recent years, about a thousand diplomats, leaders of the Workers’ Party of Korea, doctors, and other citizens who were considered loyal to the regime have defected. Because these élites are under greater scrutiny than the general population, they require elaborate arrangements to flee the country. Once they defect, they connect Free Joseon to other élites. 

Often, when such defectors make it out, they change their identities; if their escape becomes widely known, their family members in North Korea may be killed. The “generational penalty,” which was instituted by Kim Il Sung, the original Great Leader, extends for three generations. In 2018, the acting Ambassador to Italy and his wife fled the North Korean Embassy in Rome and went into hiding, reportedly in Seoul. Their teen-age daughter was repatriated to North Korea, and has not been heard from since. 

“That is what keeps North Koreans in place. To be able to protest, you need to be prepared to be responsible for the death of someone you love,” one of the Free Joseon members told me. “That is why there cannot be an internal uprising in North Korea. That is why the group came into being.” 

Other Free Joseon operations were aimed at demystifying the Kim family. On March 11, 2019, a few weeks after the Madrid Embassy incident, members of Free Joseon spray-painted the wall of the North Korean Embassy in Kuala Lumpur with the words “Free Joseon” and “We shall rise,” as well as the Free Joseon logo. Nine days later, they released a video of a person removing framed portraits of the previous Great Leaders, the father and grandfather of Kim Jong Un, from a wall of the Madrid Embassy, and smashing them on the ground. These images are sacred in North Korea, and defacing them is unthinkable to average citizens. Sung-Yoon Lee, a professor of Korean studies at Tufts’ Fletcher School, told me, “That taboo has been broken. There is a historical powerful symbolism here.” One of the Free Joseon members said, “The whole point of the group was to be a public symbol, so that North Koreans abroad and internally could see that there was hope in resisting.” 

The three representatives I met in Europe said that the group had hundreds of members, in ten countries. Adrian estimated that there were thousands, in more than fifteen countries. Both numbers are impossible to verify, and the vagueness seems to be intentional. The group operates in a decentralized manner, so that, if one member is arrested, others won’t be jeopardized. Members use call signs to communicate through encrypted platforms; if they meet in person during an operation, they typically don’t learn one another’s true identity. The secrecy is imperative, because “one loose link leads to people inside,” a member told me. The compartmentalization of Free Joseon is so thorough that, in an odd way, its structure reminded me of the opacity of the North Korean system. The more I tried to follow Free Joseon, the more it became obvious that Adrian was the only person who really knew the extent of the group. 

In the U.S., a Free Joseon member told me that he had been involved in several operations, all of them rescue missions involving élite defectors. He said that, beyond the core members, there were people who did discreet tasks; he called them “trusted sources.” He arranged a meeting for me with one at an ice-cream shop on Sunset Boulevard, in Los Angeles. A young Asian woman of about thirty, with blond highlights, came up to me and said a prearranged phrase: “I hope you like ice cream.” The woman, who met Adrian eight years ago, through her church, helped the group with Web design and occasionally gave it small donations. Sitting at a table facing a busy intersection, she opened her computer and showed me a video of a man in a khaki military jacket sitting on a sofa and signing a paper revealing his name, his official position, and the destination of his exile. She said that the man had been a high-level official in the North Korean government, whom Free Joseon helped to defect by faking an accident. Apparently, he had been declared missing by the North Korean government but was now living under an assumed name in a location that only the group knew. 

Other people were recruited for a single operation. Charles Ryu, who is twenty-six, grew up an orphan in North Korea. When he was fourteen, he escaped to China but was caught and returned to North Korea, where he was put in a labor camp. He escaped again when he was sixteen. In 2017, Ryu, who is now a software engineer, joined link as an I.T. intern. He exchanged e-mails with Adrian but did not meet him until February, 2019, when he flew to Madrid to help him. “It was an honor,” Ryu said. “For me, it was personal, this brotherhood I felt with Adrian.” He describes the Madrid operation as a historic moment, the closest he’s come to North Korean territory since his defection. “I was really happy and saw the day when I could again be with my friends and neighbors,” Ryu told me. “It was amazing.” 

On February 14, 2017, at 9 p.m., Chris Ahn was drinking his fifth San Miguel of the day at the rooftop bar of a backpacker hostel in Manila. He had been there for a week. Chris, a former marine who had served in Fallujah before getting an M.B.A. from the University of Virginia, was between consulting jobs when a close friend suggested a vacation to his home town. At the last minute, the friend had to work, so Chris had gone alone. 

At the bar, his cell phone rang. It was Adrian. 

Chris had a history of volunteering. In high school, he was active in the Key Club; after he returned from Iraq, he worked with a veterans’-advocacy group. Chris’s parents were Korean immigrants who ran a clothing shop in downtown Los Angeles. When Chris was a junior in high school, his father died, and Chris began running the store. The family moved to Chino Hills, about an hour away, where many Koreans now live. Chris took care of his mother, his grandmother, and a younger sibling. In 2000, he enlisted in the Marines. In 2005, he was deployed to Iraq, where he joined his battalion’s intelligence shop. Michael Davis, a battery gunnery sergeant at Camp Fallujah, described Chris as “a good all-American boy,” and told me that he “stood out for his dedication and devotion to his country and to his fellow-marines.” Ryan Fisher, a friend from business school, told me that on the night Osama bin Laden’s death was announced Chris brought an American flag to a veterans’ gathering at a bar. “It was really big,” Fisher said. “Not many people have a flag that big in their personal possession. He was proudly waving it.” 

In 2009, a mutual acquaintance introduced Chris to Adrian, and the two met at Lolita’s, a burrito joint in San Diego. Chris was less compelled by the specific situation in North Korea than by the general idea of being helpful. “I’m just a regular guy who was trying to help those who needed help,” Chris told me. “To me, that’s just what Americans do.” 

Adrian took Chris to meetings at the Joseon Institute, which briefly had an office in New York, where a few North Korean defectors—including a former military officer—discussed the situation in North Korea. In 2011, they also met for half an hour in D.C. with U.S. government officials who specialized in North Korea. Chris said, “They were very simpatico with what Adrian was doing.” 

Now Adrian asked Chris where he was. “Holy shit, it’s perfect,” Adrian said, when Chris told him that he was in Manila. “You know what’s happened with Kim Jong Nam, right?” Chris did. The day before Adrian’s call, the eldest son of Kim Jong Il had been assassinated at the Kuala Lumpur airport, by two women who smeared a nerve agent on his face. The killing was assumed to have been ordered by Kim Jong Un, his half brother, in the interest of eliminating a potential rival. Adrian told Chris that he had just received a call from Kim Han Sol, who is believed to be Kim Jong Nam’s eldest son. According to Adrian, they were introduced in Paris, around 2013, by a mutual contact. Han Sol, who was wearing a pair of Gucci shoes, told Adrian that he was aware of his work with North Korea. The two men kept in touch. Adrian told me, “Never met a kid with so much money. Kim Jong Nam had stashed away a lot of cash during his life.” Immediately after his father’s death, Han Sol noticed that the Macau police who typically guarded his house had disappeared. He called the mutual contact to tell Adrian that he, along with his mother and his sister, needed to get out of Macau as soon as possible. It was easy to see why Han Sol would be of interest to various countries and their intelligence services. Considered by some to be the rightful heir of the former Great Leader, Han Sol represented valuable leverage to whoever captured him, dead or alive—Adrian called this a “zero-sum game.” 

Adrian, who was in the U.S., asked Chris, “Can you go meet them at the airport in Taiwan tonight, and make sure that no one is following them?” Chris threw some clothes in his backpack and headed to the airport. It was after midnight when he arrived in Taipei. He had Han Sol’s flight number, and he found a small noodle stand by the gate, where Han Sol and his family could sit while he scanned the crowd for threats. 

The family arrived early that morning, wearing sanitary masks to cover their faces, which wasn’t unusual in Asia even then. Han Sol was about five feet ten inches tall, wearing a long-sleeved shirt and a coat, and rolling a suitcase. His mother was a pretty middle-aged woman, who reminded Chris of his own mother. Han Sol’s sister, who was wearing jeans, looked to be in her late teens. Adrian had told the family that Chris would be wearing a black T-shirt and a Dodgers cap and would answer to the name Steve. Han Sol spotted Chris and said, “Steve?” Chris nodded and said, “Let’s go.” 

Chris spoke to Han Sol and his sister in English, and to their mother in Korean. When Han Sol’s mother asked what would happen to them, Han Sol said, “I trust him”—pointing at Chris—“because I trust Adrian.” 

Chris then brought the family to an airport lounge that had private rooms. Chris put Han Sol’s mother and sister in one room, giving them his iPad and opening Netflix. The sister, who spoke fluent English, reminded him of a typical American teen-ager. Chris and Han Sol sat in a neighboring room. After an hour, Adrian called and told Chris that the network was negotiating with three countries to accept Han Sol and his family. 

Chris tried to distract Han Sol by talking about American food. He described American barbecue, and how cooking techniques from different areas produced distinct flavors. Then he asked Han Sol, “Yo, it’s a bit wild you are from North Korea—what was it like?” Han Sol talked about going fishing with his grandfather. The story sounded cozy and intimate—then Chris remembered that Han Sol was talking about Kim Jong Il, the former Great Leader of North Korea. 

Late that evening, Adrian called Chris to say that a country had agreed to take in Han Sol’s family, and that he had bought three plane tickets to Schiphol Airport, outside Amsterdam. By then, they had been in the Taipei airport for some eighteen hours. 

At the gate, Chris escorted the family through the line and handed the gate agent their tickets and passports. When the agent checked their passports, he reacted with surprise, and then said firmly, “No, they are not getting on. They are too late.” (Since Kim Jong Nam had been killed earlier that week, at another airport in the region, it’s possible that their passports raised an alarm.) Chris looked at the line and said, “But there are people still boarding.” The man began yelling, “They are not getting on!” Chris called Adrian and put him on speakerphone, so that he could hear the conversation. The man then said, “You know exactly why they cannot get on.” 

Chris and the family retreated to the lounge. A few hours later, two men who identified themselves as C.I.A. officers showed up—a Korean American named Wes and an older white man. One of them noticed Chris’s memorial bracelet from the Iraq War. Chris told them that he was a veteran, adding, “I love my country, but I am not in the U.S. right now, nor did I break any law. I don’t need to talk to you.” They asked to speak to Han Sol. Chris told Han Sol, “I don’t think you should talk to anybody until we understand what is going on.” (The C.I.A. declined to comment.) 

The next morning, airport agents arrived. They were markedly more friendly, and helped Chris book new tickets to Amsterdam. 

Han Sol seemed relieved. But Wes had told Chris that he would be accompanying the family on the flight. This worried Chris. Before they parted, Chris, on Adrian’s instructions, used his phone to film Han Sol thanking him and Adrian for insuring his safety. (On the Web site of Cheollima Civil Defense, the group thanked Lody Embrechts, then the Dutch Ambassador to both Koreas, who had approved Han Sol’s transit and promised to help his family. Embrechts refused to comment for this article.) They also took a selfie together. “It was an insurance policy,” Chris told me. “To prove we were not kidnapping Han Sol.” The video also proved that, days after his father’s assassination, Han Sol was alive. Three weeks later, the video was uploaded to YouTube, and the world learned of the existence of Han Sol, and of Cheollima Civil Defense. 

At the gate, Han Sol gave Chris a hug, and boarded the flight. 

A team sent by Free Joseon, assisted by a Dutch human-rights lawyer, was waiting at the gate at Schiphol. Embrechts was on hand to facilitate the entry of Han Sol and his family into the Netherlands. Yet they never came through the gate. 

Adrian told me that Han Sol had called him to say that he had tried to exit through the gate but had been taken through a side door to a hotel in the airport. Adrian asked Han Sol if he wanted to seek refuge in the Netherlands. Han Sol confirmed his desire, so Adrian told the Free Joseon members and the lawyer to go to the lobby of the hotel, and Han Sol would come downstairs. Han Sol never showed up. 

Multiple sources told me that the C.I.A. took Han Sol and his family elsewhere, though it is unclear if the location is in the Netherlands or another country altogether. “Governments are rarely unified in efforts,” a member of the team sent by Free Joseon told me. “This was one of those moments that a foreign ministry and the secret services were at odds with each other.” Sue Mi Terry, a former C.I.A. officer and a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told me, “I assume Adrian lost Han Sol to the C.I.A.” 

Adrian called losing Han Sol the second mistake of his career, after his arrest in China. Yet, though he felt for Han Sol—he was a defector who needed his help—his ultimate goal is the end of the Kim dynasty, and Han Sol is part of that dynasty. 

“Regimes like this don’t collapse slowly. It happens instantly. Every revolution is that way, and this will be the same,” Adrian told me. “I don’t mean a revolution in a figurative sense. I don’t mean the revolution of the mind. Or some kind of fantasy where five hundred thousand people protest in Pyongyang and the regime just packs their bags and leaves and some transitional government comes in place. This is not like any other country, where offering them enough money will mean they will liberalize—any opening or reform will result in their insecurity. The only way to make them change is to force them to change.” 

The motivation behind the Madrid Embassy operation remains unclear. Members of Free Joseon maintain that the team, which included Chris Ahn and an American citizen named Sam Ryu, flew to Spain after someone at the Embassy requested their help in defecting; some core members, including Adrian, proposed trying to take over the Embassy during the rescue. The Ambassador to Spain had been expelled in 2017, after North Korea tested a nuclear weapon, and they thought that an embassy without an ambassador made a fitting target. But the North Korean member of Free Joseon whom I met in Europe told me that people in Pyongyang who are linked to the group thought that the attempt was premature, and the group became divided over the question. 

The disagreement was apparent even in interviews with two of North Korea’s highest-ranking defectors. Thae Yong Ho, the former North Korean Deputy Ambassador to the United Kingdom and a member of the South Korean National Assembly, who defected in 2016, told me, “The fact that the world accepts a North Korean embassy as a diplomatic institution means that one must respect it as that. Free Joseon entered the Embassy illegally and tied up people. Resistance is good, but it must be done legally.” But Ko Young Hwan, who worked at several North Korean embassies for more than a decade, told me, “It’s a mistake to think a North Korean embassy is a normal embassy according to the Western definition. All illegal activities—from being the middleman for weapons trade, to laundering counterfeit money, to transporting luxury items for Kim Jong Un—happen inside.” 

Thae said, “Why would whoever wanted to defect have needed Free Joseon to infiltrate the Embassy for rescue?” A source with knowledge of the operation told me that the person who requested the rescue feared that his family, who remained in North Korea, would be killed if he was known to have defected, so he asked for a kidnapping to be staged. 

Everything went according to plan until the police arrived. “I put the Great Leader pin on my chest and went to the door,” Adrian told me. “My Spanish isn’t even that good, you know, I hadn’t spoken it in a long while,” he added. “I asked them what they wanted. I tried to act North Korean, and back in the main room my team could see me on the security camera.” Adrian told the police that it was a false alarm. The team was jubilant when the police went away: “When I returned, they were, like, ‘You did it!’ ” 

Yet the appearance of the police had spooked the North Korean who had requested rescue. Soon afterward, the phones in the Embassy began to ring. They rang and rang. The Free Joseon members looked at one another and wondered what to do. The phones kept ringing, as though someone outside knew what was happening inside. The Embassy’s interior is spartan, its rooms cavernous and echoing. “They know, they know, they know!” the North Korean said. He felt as if there were eyes everywhere, and told the team that he no longer wanted to defect and that they should leave as soon as possible. 

Night had fallen. The Free Joseon team packed some of the Embassy’s electronic equipment, then took its vehicles and scattered to different airports, with an agreement that most of them would meet up in New York. On Adrian’s instructions, members of Free Joseon sent an e-mail to the Spanish government telling it to keep an eye out for any North Koreans entering Spain, since people inside the Embassy might be in danger from the North Korean government.

In New York, Adrian met with two F.B.I. agents. For years, they had checked in with him when he returned from abroad. The agents asked if he had been involved in the raid, and if he had seen the Embassy’s computers. Every North Korean embassy has a secure communications room from which covert operations are run. The computers that the group had with them were from that room. “You could unlock all their communications around the world,” Adrian told me. “It’s a game changer.” 

Adrian agreed to show the F.B.I. agents the computers, and they arranged to come to his hotel. Before the meeting, Adrian met Sue Mi Terry, the former C.I.A. officer, at a bubble-tea place in Times Square. He told her “this crazy story about Madrid,” she said. They walked to his hotel, where he introduced her to a handful of young ethnic Korean men, who showed her video clips from the Embassy. She was also shown the computers. Adrian told her that the F.B.I. was coming to look at them. 

When the F.B.I. agents arrived, Adrian told me, he agreed to turn the computers over for analysis for a period of fourteen days; he would also give them various hard drives and pen drives from the Embassy, in the hope that whatever the F.B.I. found would lead to tougher sanctions against the Kim regime. The computers were encrypted, and Adrian thought that the F.B.I. would have a better chance of cracking them than his group did. The agents asked for the names of everyone involved in the incident at the Embassy, but Adrian refused to provide them. 

The next morning, there was a knock on the door of Adrian’s hotel room. An F.B.I. agent claimed that a girl had gone missing in the hotel. He demanded the passports of everyone in the room. 

By then, Chris Ahn had returned to L.A. When Adrian told him that the F.B.I. wanted to talk with him, Chris gave him his home address. About a week later, two F.B.I. agents who dealt with overseas affairs showed up. Chris served them tea and cookies and told them about what had happened in Madrid. 

Adrian never got the computers back. Soon, the Spanish court identified him as the leader of the attack and requested his extradition. Adrian faces up to twenty-eight years in prison. 

During the weeks after our meeting at Dallas BBQ, I often questioned Adrian’s motives for continuing our conversations. I wondered if he was recruiting me to be his witness. Though Adrian focussed on the plight of North Koreans rather than on the danger he faced, the threat of extradition and North Korean assassins seemed to weigh on him. Once, at the end of the night, I asked him how he was feeling, and he texted back, “Mostly just tired.” Then he added, “From doing this for so long without government protection or funding. It’s hard to try to deliver the responsibilities of a government without the privileges.” He added that he was most worried that “the movement would die.” He thought that Free Joseon had achieved just three per cent of what needed to be done. 

On April 6, 2019, Adrian told me that the F.B.I. had called him and said that there were credible threats by North Korea against his life and the lives of other members, and that he should take security measures and go underground. He wrote in one text, “Call 911, they said. After they are the ones who outed us.” 

On April 18th, U.S. marshals raided Adrian’s apartment, in downtown Los Angeles, where they found only Chris Ahn, who was visiting. Chris was arrested and jailed for three months before being released on bail. He awaits a hearing to determine whether he will be extradited to Spain. 

Later that day, at 5:43 p.m., Adrian sent me a message that read, “Contact my lawyer if you can’t reach me. May be getting arrested—can’t talk now.” At 10:41, he sent another: a jumbled message came through, reading, in part, “you may not be able to reach me for a while.” It was followed, at 1 a.m., by a link to a letter written by Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak, a Cambodian leader who collaborated with the U.S. in the nineteen-seventies. Before the Khmer Rouge executed him, he wrote, “If I shall die here on the spot and in my country that I love, it is too bad because we are all born and must die one day. I have only committed the mistake of believing in you, the Americans.” 

Soon afterward, the Department of Justice put Adrian on its wanted list, posting the model of car he was last seen driving and declaring him “armed and dangerous.” 

Ayear later, in early May, a message appeared on my phone: “Where did we eat last?” 

“Dallas BBQ,” I replied. 

“Was it delicious? Your answer will determine whether this proceeds. I’m joking. It was terrible food.” 

Adrian had been in hiding for more than a year. He said that he had not been in contact with family or friends, and he remained angry with the U.S. government. “They ask for help, then they put us in danger, they warn us of the danger, then they put us underground, then they make it very hard for us to actually go underground,” he told me. He felt that the Department of Justice’s “Wanted” poster had amounted to a road map for North Korean agents to find him. 

On the phone, he elaborated for four hours about his vision for freeing North Korea. For a moment, it felt as if no time had passed since I encountered him as a student leader at Yale. “We are going to remove this regime,” he said. “We are going to confront it with force, with the strength of our ideas, and with our bodies until these people are free and can determine their own future.” The goal of his organization, he said, was “abolition.” How would he achieve that? “There is only one way,” he said. “It’s an uprising. It’s a revolution.” ♦