Friday, August 29, 2014

 


The Press in Ferguson
By Paige Williams The New Yorker

On the ninth night of the protests in Ferguson, Missouri, Chris King, the managing editor of the St. Louis American, one of the country’s oldest black newspapers, got word from a protester that "outside agitators" were in possession of grenades. The St. Louis County Police Department had already fired tear gas and rubber bullets at demonstrators, and at the media, but the possible presence of grenades suggested escalating violence.

King was monitoring the protests from home, via a combination of online streaming video, Twitter, CNN, e-mail, and texts. He picked up his cell phone—a battered Sprint relic, the letters on the space bar worn down to "Spa"—and, just before 10 P.M., he texted a high-level member of the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department: "Guy w brown visor & white bullhorn running around was the guy who brought the Molotovs and may have grenades."

"White or black," the police official texted back.

"White man," King wrote, still watching footage of the protests. He added, "Get that guy. He is dangerous." (A law-enforcement source told me that the reports of grenades were credible, but that none were confiscated at the scene.)

King’s actions, which may differ from those of more conventional journalists, come out of his history as an activist and an N.R.O.T.C. cadet. King, a bespectacled musician who grew up in Granite City, Illinois, a St. Louis suburb, has supported an array of causes over the years, including the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (a protest against the Shell Oil Company in Nigeria) and the Zapatistas, in Mexico. After college, at Boston University, he wrote for newspapers, including the Times, but he felt conflicted as a journalist. He tweeted recently that while working for newspapers he "never felt needed 1 single day."

But steady employment allowed him to continue as the lead singer for Eleanor Roosevelt, what he calls a "quirky folk rock" band, and it helped him to support his wife and child. Ten years ago, at the age of thirty-seven, King moved home to the St. Louis area and went to work for the American.

The Americans coverage tends to be either positive or pointed—the paper’s mission centers on advocacy. The print edition, which has a circulation of roughly seventy thousand, comes out on Thursdays, and the Web site publishes daily posts. There are two full-time reporters (one was on maternity leave at the time of Michael Brown’s death, and the other, employed through a grant, is dedicated to health reporting), one part-time reporter, two photographers, and a full-time Web editor, who also reports. In addition to being the managing editor, King serves as the assignment editor, the copy editor, and the chief emissary for Donald Suggs, the publisher.

Suggs was the chief of oral surgery at Dover Air Force Base, in Delaware. (His staff calls him "Doc.") He chaired the Poor People’s march on Washington, in 1968. A serious collector of African art, he helped to found what is now the Museum of African Art, in New York. In 1981, he bought the financially struggling American, with the goal of giving the city’s black residents a voice. Suggs is black and of a certain age (he prefers not to reveal the exact number); King is white and in his forties. In tweets, King has described himself as "a desk jockey with a text-message game to the halls of power" and his boss as "a fearsome power player." He told me that "Missouri State University started its Public Affairs Hall of Fame this year, and the three people inducted were Harry Truman, Jack Danforth, and Donald M. Suggs."

Suggs relies on King to carry out his vision for the paper and, by extension, for the African-American community. King describes Suggs as a modest person who prefers to work privately. "Our publisher has this newspaper so that he can make a difference for his people," he told me. "Most of what he does, no one ever knows." (Suggs spoke with me at length, but he was politely reluctant to talk about his back-channel influence. He did say, "The legitimacy of the American, in my view, is that we measure up to our responsibilities as professional journalists. We clearly are advocacy media, but we’re responsible to facts.")

According to King, as the fever worsened in Ferguson, Suggs "didn’t sit down and say, ‘Oh, why is the SWAT team bombing North County?’ Instead, he said, ‘Who can I talk to to make the SWAT team stop bombing North County?’ " King said, "In addition to being a small newspaper staff covering a war in our own home town, we also had to fight back. My publisher taught me to go in after them. We went in after them."

King began broadcasting the Americans involvement in the events unfolding in Ferguson; along with tweets about prayer vigils and crisis-support services, he announced that he planned to contact Senator Roy Blunt and "ask him to go to Ferguson and see for himself the mess." He also tweeted, "I am hammering people to get to Claire"—Senator Claire McCaskill—"to get to WH"—White House—"to get to Nixon. Jay needs to be made to shit in his shoes."

Channelling Suggs, King tweeted what could be called micro-editorials. ("It’s a matter of being forced to use political courage.") When Jake Tapper, of CNN, expressed interest in interviewing a witness with whom King was publicly trying to bond, King tweeted, in response, "I am not encouraging him to do media and he told me he would not talk to me as a journalist. I am an advocate here." At another point, he wrote, "Declaring yourself a reporter is an impediment, it seems. Social mediators are free to roam & report. I feel like this is changing journalism."

* * *

When a police official privately asked King to get word to St. Louis county executive Charlie Dooley that Governor Jay Nixon needed to declare a state of emergency and remove the county police chief, Jon Belmar, from command, King called Suggs. Suggs phoned his old friend Mike Jones, a senior policy adviser to the county executive and a former St. Louis deputy mayor. Suggs told Jones that the situation in Ferguson was "now out of control."

"He said the county police, as currently constituted, lacked the ability to get on top of the situation," Jones told me. "He’s been a friend for over forty years, and we’ve known each other for thirty-five years of public life, and that’s the first time he’s ever called me and said, ‘Michael, I think you’ve got to do something, and here’s why.’ " He added, "You cannot underplay the importance of the voice and the standing of the American inside the black community." Of Suggs, Jones said, "He’s politically sophisticated, with a large world view and a first-class intellect. He’s got standing both in the black community and in leadership elements of the white community. He’s a disciplined, serious thinker, and he’s not going to casually come to a decision. What he thinks matters."

 

The next afternoon, Nixon announced that the Missouri Highway Patrol would assume command of police operations in Ferguson. Suggs’s conversations the day before had given county leaders the confidence to support such a high-profile change at a volatile time, Jones told me. "I’ll put it like this," he said. "The publisher of the Post"—the St. Louis Post-Dispatch—"couldn’t have called me and convinced me of that."

* * *

Sam Dotson, the St. Louis police chief, has been publicly criticized by the local police union, as well as privately, within his own ranks, for declining to deploy tactical teams to Ferguson on the most violent nights of protest, and for expressing his disapproval of the county’s policing approach. King, though, thinks of Dotson as "a war hero" for refusing to participate in what he calls "the SWAT show." He considers Dotson a good, "clean cop," and he and Suggs supported Dotson’s addition to the unified command.

King and I were talking at the American’s offices, which are housed in a one-story brown-brick building in downtown St. Louis. Choking up, King removed his glasses and rubbed his eyes. "They were totally content to kill the people," he said. "And there was one person who had the nerve to say, ‘I’m not gonna send my guys there.’ That’s insanely courageous."

Dotson, after joining the command, suspected that outsiders were coming in from Chicago, California, Maryland, and Brooklyn because the police had not been working intelligence at night. King tweeted reports from sources at Canfield Green—the apartment complex where the Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson shot Brown—that fires were being set by white men "dressed hip-hop who came up the back trails" from the adjacent town of Jennings. Anarchists, he said, were teaching local kids how to make Molotov cocktails.

On the night that King directed the police to the protester with the bullhorn—"A clean cop is hunting him," he tweeted, hoping to crowdsource followers into isolating the offenders until officers arrived—thirty-one people were arrested. Only one lived in Ferguson.

At 5:25 A.M. the next day, King went on CNN and told Chris Cuomo that the agitators wouldn’t "be here long." Somewhat cryptically, he said, "We’re gonna run them out."

Cuomo asked what he meant, adding, "Because the last thing we want is things done the wrong way."

"No vigilante justice, no vigilante justice," King said. "We’ll make sure they’re not here, though."

King has always felt like an artist first and a journalist second, but he says that now he also feels like a secret operative suddenly made vulnerable. In certain phone calls and associations, he sensed menace, convinced that rogue cops and "mercenaries" were running a "contra" operation. At one point, he sought to verify my identity.

"A fake New Yorker writer would have been a brilliant play," he said. "You have to consider you’re in a war zone for all intents and purposes, and we have battle trauma."

Thursday, August 28, 2014

Ukraine: emergency UN, NATO EU meetings after Russian invasion claim
London Guardian
NATO says 1,000 Russian troops fighting in Ukraine as Kiev accuses Moscow of de facto invasion and opening second front
Shaun Walker in Kiev
World powers have called a succession of emergency meetings to step up the international response to Russia after Kiev accused Moscow of a de facto invasion and of opening up a second front in the conflict in eastern Europe.
The UN security council was meeting in emergency session, and Nato and EU leaders will consider a response on Friday, amid signs that hundreds of Russian soldiers are actively involved in the insurrection against Kiev's rule.
Russia denies that any of its troops are in eastern Ukraine. But on Thursday Nato said it estimated there were now more than 1,000 Russian soldiers fighting in Ukraine. The organisation released satellite images that it said showed Russian armoured vehicles and artillery had been crossing into Ukraine for at least a week.

A satellite image showing what Nato claims are self-propelled Russian artillery units inside Ukraine. Photograph: Nato/DigitalGlobe/EPA
The Ukrainian president, Petro Poroshenko, said: "Russian forces have actually entered Ukraine," while Ukrainian fighters in the south-east said Russian forces had helped separatists take over the border town of Novoazovsk.
Western leaders swiftly seized on the latest escalation by warning Russian president Vladimir Putin of imminent consequences. Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, said the EU would discuss further sanctions at a summit this weekend, particularly in the light of the fresh incursion in which Russia stands accused of funnelling troops and hardware into the south-east of Ukraine.

"We are getting reports of an increased presence of Russian soldiers and of new unrest and fresh advances of the separatists in areas that until now were very quiet," she said. "We made it clear in March this year that if there were a further escalation, more sanctions would have to be discussed."
Jen Psaki, a US state department spokeswoman, said on Thursday that the US was considering its response to a "pattern of escalating aggression" by Russia and that increased sanctions were "the most effective tool, the best tool". She added: "A military solution is not what we think is the appropriate approach, so we're taking every tool that we can to see if we can reach a solution here through diplomatic means."
A spokesman for Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary general, said the latest allegations pointed to a "dangerous escalation" in the crisis, and added: "The international community cannot allow the situation to escalate further."
David Cameron said that if Russia did not desist "then she should be in no doubt that there will be further consequences".

The prime minister said: "I'm extremely concerned by mounting evidence that Russian troops have made large-scale incursions into south-eastern Ukraine, completely disregarding the sovereignty of a neighbour.
"The international community has already warned Russia that such provocative actions would be completely unacceptable and illegal. We urge Russia to pursue a different path and to find a political solution to this crisis. If Russia does not, then she should be in no doubt that there will be further consequences."
Western powers have already imposed a slew of sanctions on Moscow that have started to show signs of hurting Russia's economy. But Putin has responded in kind and, despite meeting Poroshenko for talks on the crisis in Minsk this week, has shown no signs of changing tack.

"Recent Russian actions clearly demonstrate that Moscow is bluntly drawing Ukraine and the entire world into a full-scale war," Ukraine's foreign ministry said after Poroshenko effectively accused Russia of mounting an invasion.
"Russian forces have actually entered Ukraine," he said, ordering an urgent meeting of Ukraine's national security council. "I have made a decision to cancel my working visit to the republic of Turkey due to sharp aggravation of the situation in Donetsk region, particularly in Amvrosiivka and Starobeshevo, as Russian troops were actually brought into Ukraine," he said. "The president must stay in Kiev today."Addressing the council, he called on Ukrainians not to panic, and said the situation in the country's east was "difficult but controllable". He also said consultations between the Russian and Ukrainian army HQs, as agreed in Minsk, had begun, mainly to talk about prisoner exchanges. But Ukrainian forces have lost control of Novoazovsk, a town on the border with Russia, after it was attacked by a military convoy that is believed to have crossed from Russia.
A separatist leader admitted there were serving Russian soldiers among his fighters. A Russian rights group said about 100 Russian soldiers had been killed in Ukraine. Even members of Putin's human rights advisory council conceded evidence pointed to a Russian invasion.
"When masses of people, under commanders' orders, on tanks, APCs and with the use of heavy weapons, [are] on the territory of another country, cross the border, I consider this an invasion," Ella Polyakova told Reuters. She, and another member of the council, also said they believed that around 100 Russian soldiers had died earlier in the month when their convoy was hit by Grad missiles near the town of Snizhne in eastern Ukraine. There was no immediate way to confirm the figure.
However, Russian officials continued to deny there was any kind of invasion. The defence ministry told Russian agencies that reports of Russian military units acting in Ukraine were "fake".
"It feels like Kiev really needs a 'Russian armed invasion'," wrote Maria Zakharova, a spokeswoman for the Russian foreign ministry, on Facebook. "It seems this is part of its big plan for scaring its own population, and the main answer to the question people there have: 'what on earth has happened to us?' It's scary to think what statements the Ukrainian officials will come up with on Halloween."
Russia has repeatedly denied it is fighting in Ukraine, and speaking after the Minsk negotiations, Putin said that a solution to the crisis in east Ukraine is "not our business; it is a domestic matter for Ukraine itself". He said all Russia could do was "support the creation of an environment of trust".
Putin's words, however, jar sharply with events on the ground. Fighters and weapons have long been able to move freely along the unguarded sections of Russia's border with Ukraine, and reporters in Novoazovsk say that what appears to be hastily repainted Russian military hardware has appeared in the town in recent days.
Russia's denials appear increasingly flimsy. When the Guardian saw a Russian armoured column cross the border two weeks ago, the foreign ministry and local security services denied any incursion had taken place, saying it was a border patrol that had not strayed into Ukrainian territory.
Earlier this week, when Russian paratroopers were captured well inside Ukraine, sources in the defence ministry also said they had been part of a border patrol that had got lost and entered Ukraine "by accident".
The head of the self-declared Donetsk People's Republic, Alexander Zakharchenko, admitted on Thursday that there were serving Russian soldiers among his fighters, but claimed they were volunteers who were taking a holiday in the region.
"Among the Russian volunteers there are many former soldiers, who are fighting alongside us and understand that it's their duty," said Zakharchenko in an interview with Russian television. "And moreover, I'll say it openly, we also have current soldiers, who decided to take their holidays not on the beach, but among us."
Although Putin's actions in Ukraine have been supported by the vast majority of Russians, there is increasing dissent inside the country about the growing evidence of a stealth war. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, formerly Russia's richest man – who was released from jail late last year – said Russians should not be silent about the country's soldiers being killed in Ukraine and secretly buried.
"We are fighting in Ukraine, fighting for real," the former oligarch wrote. "Our authorities are always lying about this, in the 80s about Afghanistan, in the 90s about Chechnya and now about Ukraine. Why are we remaining silent? Have we become cowards? Are we scared of even thinking now?"
There have also been appeals from relatives of the soldiers captured in Ukraine, calling on Putin and the defence ministry to help bring the men home alive.
Kiev on Thursday called on its western allies for more support. The foreign ministry said: "Under the current circumstances, Ukraine counts on serious support from its international partners and believes that strengthening EU sanctions against Russia as well as providing Ukraine with military and technical support will help deter Russian aggression."

retsdon Comment in London Guardian
The Russian government knows what everyone else knows - that the legitimate and elected government of Ukraine was overthrown by a coup which was largely organized and financed by western spooks. Nothing new there - it's been done countless times before....
A democratic solution to avert the coup was rejected - Yanukovych Offers Early Presidential Vote to End Crisis ... - and the rest is history.
The Russian government also knows that the underlying conflict is about control of the massive Caucasus hydrocarbon reserves. and US geopolitical ambitions to control - or at least prevent Russian control - of them. That is why Ukraine had to be forcibly extracted from the Russian orbit of influence by the coup before any new agreement with Russia could be signed.
Russia believes that the west - and particularly the Americans - are playing a very dirty game and are not to be trusted. Evidence is on their side, quite frankly. Consequently, post-coup they were forced to make a decision. Do nothing - and risk having a US influenced Ukraine renege on the lease of Sevastopol, or secure a vital Russian strategic interest. They chose the latter course. That they did it with a local democratic vote is a propaganda plus, but they'd have likely done it anyway. They had no choice.
The Donbas regional conflict is different in that it's Ukrainian in origin. The people of the east had voted overwhelmingly for the Party of Regions, and had just seen their chosen government overthrown. So, emboldened by the Maidan coup and the Crimean annexation they pushed for some kind of autonomy. People took over buildings, waved flags, etc,etc, - Maidan style. In the heady days of early summer they held a shambolic local vote which was dismissed, not only by Kiev and the west, but also by the Russian government. The east then came out in open revolt, with locals armed with Baikal shotguns and Brno hunting rifles dressing themselves up and setting up checkpoints. Then came the massacre in Odessa and the mood got very ugly. New presidential elections were held, and Poroshenko was elected. His election was recognized not just by the west, but also by the Russian government.
Now here's where it all went off the rails. Poroshenko initially seemed amenable to negotiation but then - almost certainly pushed by Brennan (shale oil deposits) - he changed his tune and the war began in earnest.
Putin has maintained all along that the war is an internal Ukrainian dispute - and he's mostly right. That said, eastern Ukraine is largely Russian speaking; many locals have ties to Russia; and it was - and still isn't - possible politically for Putin, who also has a domestic audience, to simply leave the Donbas rebels to their fate.
The Russian position all along has been that the solution is negotiation. But victory or defeat is no basis for negotiation. My guess is that the Russians have taken a decision to do as little as possible -commensurate with not allowing the rebels to be militarily defeated. They intend to make the war un-winnable for Poroshenko, forcing him to come to some kind of sensible accommodation.
if this is actually the Russian position, it makes a lot of sense. Firstly, in the long run, a sensible compromise would be best for Ukraine as a whole - if not for Biden junior and Chevron. Secondly, the war - despite the gloss put on the cracks - is opening quite serious policy rifts between Europe and the US. And the longer the war goes on, the wider those rifts will become.
As long as the Russians back the rebels, they won't lose militarily. In the end, the protagonists will have to negotiate and Russia's position will be vindicated. And Brennan's war will have proved a bust.

Wednesday, August 27, 2014

Did Tony die at the end of The Sopranos?

David Chase finally answers the question he wants fans to stop asking

The main topic of conversation about The Sopranos, seven years
after the series finale, is still whether Tony Soprano, mob boss of North Jersey, is dead or not. And series creator David Chase couldn't care less about that.

Instead of giving Tony a final scene in which he is either killed or arrested — the two possible fates Tony and his fans had imagined for him — the last episode ends unexpectedly during a domestic scene with an ominous tinge. Tony (James Gandolfini), his wife (Edie Falco), and his son (Robert Iler) are waiting for his daughter, Meadow (Jamie-Lynn Sigler), to join them for dinner at a popular restaurant, while a number of suspicious characters mill around. Outside, Meadow burns rubber trying to get into a parking space and then runs across a street against the light as cars whiz by her. Inside, Tony raises his head, and — CUT TO BLACK. Millions of television sets across America went dark and silent suddenly. Is my television broken? we wondered, each in our individual homes. At THIS moment? Then the credits rolled, and all hell really broke loose. Are you kidding me? This is the end?

What did it mean? Was this Chase's way of artfully — or contemptuously, depending on your opinion of Chase’s attitude toward his audience — creating Tony's death? Some recalled that Bobby Baccalieri, Tony's brother-in-law, once said that when the bullet with your name on it arrived, you probably didn't hear it coming. The questions have not yet stopped since the episode aired in June 2007.

Chase, he wouldn't tell. For him, that kind of obsession is as misguided as asking, "What happened to the Russian in 'Pine Barrens'?" — a reference to a season-three episode in which two men in Tony's crew, Christopher Moltisanti and Paulie Walnuts, drive a Russian mobster they have severely beaten up to the snow-covered New Jersey Pine Barrens to kill and dispose of him. Moltisanti and Walnuts are stunned when the Russian not only musters the energy to escape, but also disappears without a trace in a hail of bullets as they try to recapture him. It's an early "did he die?" series moment. In response to audience agitation to know what became of the mobster, and even the lobbying of Terry Winter, who wrote the episode, to give the incident closure in a subsequent episode, Chase replied, "I don't give a fuck about the Russian." Chase clearly meant that disappearance to be one of life's loose threads.

Chase wasn't just playing with our heads when he designed the conclusion of The Sopranos; he was part of the ongoing evolution of the American imagination

I had been talking with Chase for a few years when I finally asked him whether Tony was dead. We were in a tiny coffee shop, when, in the middle of a low-key chat about a writing problem I was having, I popped the question. Chase startled me by turning toward me and saying with sudden, explosive anger, "Why are we talking about this?" I answered, "I'm just curious." And then, for whatever reason, he told me. And I will tell you. So keep reading.

My earliest fascination with Chase, was, unsurprisingly, a result of The Sopranos, which led me to a couple of interviews with him at Silvercup Studios in 2005, for a book about gangster films I have long since published. And we have continued to exchange ideas through e-mails and discussions at Upper East Side coffee bars and restaurants. When you're across the table from him, he makes an impression without making a commotion. He oscillates between intense verbal pyrotechnics, laughter, and silences, which might mean "I am listening to you" or "I am thinking." He is forthcoming, but tends to maintain a reserve about his own work, insisting that if he could say what it means then he wouldn't have to write it. He's right, of course. All the same, he and I both think there is value in conversations between artists and critics; ours remains in progress.

On occasion he breaks his reserve, but makes it clear that I am not to write about anything he says that is an interpretation of his own work, since he believes that the art of entertaining is leaving the audience imagination to run wild. So when he answered the "Did Tony die" question, he was laconic.

"Chase, No, he's not dead."

Fine. Tony's not dead. But what do we do with this bald fact? And isn't Chase's flat response exactly the point? The mere answer doesn't really go anywhere unless we consider it as a part of the larger context of The Sopranos, and as a part of the much bigger story of Chase's art.

Chase has a lifelong love of detail. When he was a child, he busied himself constructing complicated models. After he saw the movie Frankenstein, he built a small simulacrum of the mad scientist's laboratory, complete with a tilting balsa wood gurney. "I'm still doing that," he says. But in itself his precision with bits and pieces tells us only about part of who he is. As Allen Coulter, one of the key directors on The Sopranos, says of Chase, "He's a man of many dimensions."

And surprising dimensions they are. On very rare occasions Chase will say that once, long ago, he glimpsed something fleeting that he could never quite pin down, could never quite hold onto, and could never forget. It's there in the lyrics of one of his favorite songs by Pink Floyd, "Comfortably Numb": "When I was a child/I caught a fleeting glimpse/Out of the corner of my eye/I turned to look but it was gone/I cannot put my finger on it now/The child is grown/The dream is gone/I have become comfortably numb." It's also there in one of his favorite poems, by Edgar Allen Poe, "Dream Within a Dream," which envisions the transitory quality of life that slips from his grasp: "O god can I not save/One from the pitiless wave?/Is all we see or seem but a dream within a dream?"

Chase is the son of a man who owned a hardware store. His family photograph album reveals his origins in the mid-20th century American middle class. Turn to the page with a picture of him as a baby, sitting in one of those huge carriages that were common in the 1940s. His large eyes shine. He is a child who lacks no creature comforts, the proof of American post-World War II prosperity. A picture taken a few years later suggests the feeling articulated most vociferously by the Beats that the prosperity of the 1950's was sliding off the rails.

One look at Chase's prom picture and it is clear that something has turned stale. There he stands next to a girl he had never liked and who never liked him, both of them dressed up to party. But, as Chase recalls, they barely exchanged a word during the entire evening. She was a pretty girl; he was an appropriate escort. They had made the comfortably numb choice that social conventions dictated. When Chase and I looked at this photo together, his eyes lit up at a remembered comic absurdity, the kind that is abundantly present in The Sopranos. Viewed as part of the big picture of his life, the image commemorates the boredom that might have characterized a series of stultifying choices, had Chase followed in the footsteps of the community of small merchants like his father.

Might have, if the 1960's hadn't happened. In college, Chase's eyes were opened to the tantalizing Romanticism in Hawthorne, Melville, and especially Poe. He read Carlos Castaneda's early books about Don Juan, a sorcerer who teaches the controlled use of drugs as a portal to alternate worlds. He found Italian cinema. He was already into rock and roll. Now, he experimented with LSD, which he took nine or ten times. That was enough, he says.

The experiences of his college years became Chase's turning point as a man and an artist. Rock and roll and sex never lost their appeal for Chase, but drugs did. He didn't follow the druggies of his generation into fatal excesses. Maybe he just loved this world and its detail too much for that. But mostly, he says, it was because he could see that repeated drug episodes did not lead toward liberation but toward paranoia and a lack of creativity. Reading Carlos Castaneda convinced Chase that using drugs "without a whole belief system around it was really fourth rate."

Though you wouldn't know it from watching Hollywood movies, endings are by nature mysterious

Unable to find the necessary whole belief system in the Waldensian Christianity of his immediate family, in anyone else's religion, or in the ideals of an America that he saw broken all around him, Chase did find it in the art of film and in music. He also found himself working in television as the protege of Stephen J. Cannell, writing for The Rockford Files and learning a lot about formula and entertaining America. And then he wrote Kolchak: Night Stalker, I'll Fly Away, and Northern Exposure. Those were the years of craft.

It was only when he was able to take his chance with The Sopranos at HBO that he found the liberty to use his craft to further his art. The Chasean vision that was stoked by the genius for detail fused with Castaneda and Poe became the fuel that powered Tony Soprano's crime story. Chase's gangster series became a succes d'estime as well as a ratings giant; it won 21 Emmys in its six-season run, and more than 13 million people watched the Season 4 premiere, The Sopranos' most popular episode.

Chase wasn't just playing with our heads when he designed the conclusion of The Sopranos; he was part of the ongoing evolution of the American imagination. When he embeds his gangster story with both his love of detail and his fascination with Poe, he is infusing a popular genre with the mysteries of the two persistent though contradictory tributaries of American letters: one beginning with the pragmatism of The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, filled with his many lists of things to do and things done; the other the dream-haunted stories and poetry of the American Romantics. This double face of America the doer and America the dreamer shimmers behind the basic premise of The Sopranos.

Chase's story of a gangster in therapy is built on the tensions and contrasts between Tony's concrete to-do list as a mob boss — the illegal version of Benjamin Franklin's self-help style chronicle of his rise from obscurity — and the momentary glimpses in Dr. Melfi's office and in his dreams of something like the ungraspable sands in Poe’s "Dream Within a Dream." Toward the end of the series, in "The Blue Comet," Tony verbalizes a kind of hunger caused by the way momentary enlightenment slips through his fingers, "You know you have these thoughts and you almost grab it and then, pfft."

The show’s gangsters’ lives are filled not only with savage murder but also farcical struggles for garbage routes; funny, obsessive material concerns — like the way Tony’s consigliore Silvio Dante walks around reading How To Clean Practically Anything — and also with dreams, visions, glimpses. "I'm not a religious person at all," Chase says, "but I'm very convinced that this is not it. That there's something else. What it is, I don't know. Other universes. Other alternate realities."

The glimpse — what the old Romantics called an epiphany — is in the comedy of Christopher Moltisanti's dream of Hell, Italian-style, while he is in a coma: an Irish bar called The Emerald Isle where it's St. Patrick's Day forever and the Italians can never win at shooting craps.

It takes a sublime turn in Carmela's trip to Paris in "Cold Stones," when she gazes with the wonder of a child at the carvings on a Paris bridge, transformed for the moment. Her mind opens like a flower in sunshine when she realizes on the streets of the "city of light" the immensity of human history beyond her small bubble in New Jersey. There are lives that went on centuries before she was born, and that will go on in Paris when she is back in New Jersey and even after she dies.

That this magic can happen in collaborative media like film and television is another kind of mystery. Unlike in literature where the author is alone with his pen/typewriter/computer, the film or TV auteur is never alone. And in most cases, the collaborators never know precisely what the auteur is thinking. Chase's key collaborators were familiar with his obsessive fixations on details. There were many midnight phone calls discussing questions like why Paulie Walnuts was wearing a sweatsuit. But they didn't know a lot about his personal vision; Chase has never discussed Poe or Pink Floyd or Carlos Castaneda with any of them, and they were not fired up by the sense of the fleeting glimpse that so moves Chase. However, during my conversations with several of them I could see that even if their motivations were different from Chase's, there was a collective synergy, the bond that makes auteur television possible.

Matthew Weiner, one of the crucial series writers, now the creator/producer of Mad Men, was enthusiastic about the presence of the dreams in The Sopranos and regards them as a natural outgrowth of the experience the camera creates for the audience. Early in the history of The Sopranos, two of Chase's key directors, Tim Van Patten and Alan Coulter, created the look of the series, using the camera to magnify its revelatory functions. Coulter evolved a tradition of creating a subjective, point-of-view camera that gives us the sense of being inside the characters' heads and looking out. Van Patten used wide-angle lenses and close-ups that produced, in his words, the "in-your-face experience" that you are so close to the characters you can see through their exterior appearances to what is inside them. This is, in fact, Van Patten's alternate way of portraying point of view. Yet somehow these creators following their own passions came together to serve Chase's vision that, as he wrote to me in an e-mail, "Nature is part of Our Universe and Our Universe is part of Nature and there could well be more universes or mirror universes."

Coulter is more aware than most about this other side of Chase. It was brought home to him when he was assigned to direct the first season episode called "Isabella," in which Tony thinks he has met and spent time with his neighbor's house sitter, a gorgeous Italian exchange student. Chase suggested that Coulter prepare for directing this episode by taking a look at Luis Bunuel's 1963 film The Exterminating Angel: guests at a dinner party are unable to leave the house although there is no visible obstacle barring their way. Bunuel's realistic photography creates a sense of factuality for a situation that most directors would have represented as a dream. Chase wanted just that look for the episode, so that when it turns out that there was no Isabella next door, just Skippy, a neighborhood kid who came around to walk the dog, there would be no visual coding of the remarkable events as a dream. Dr. Melfi interprets Tony's encounter with Isabella as purely psychological, a wish for the nurturing mother he never had. This ties in well with the series narrative. But the episode suggests the possibility of an experience with an alternate universe as much as it suggests a dream. Which is it? Chase won't play umpire and give us a ruling on this question.

In making The Sopranos this way, Chase aligned himself not with the decades of writers who filled television with stories where all the pieces fit neatly, the way they do in the lists of Benjamin Franklin, as if life was a machine that could be set in motion to produce a predictable result. Instead he associated himself with the art of the modernists who, like Poe, a great, great grandfather of modern art, were flummoxed by their days and nights. Orson Welles, a great favorite of Chase's, put it this way: "The camera is far more than a recording apparatus. It is a means by which messages come to us from the other world. This is the beginning of magic." This is an elegant way of saying that the camera's reproduction of concrete detail is only half the story, and the less exciting half. What the camera does that draws men like Welles and Chase to make cinematic art is its magical production of that elusive something more, Welles' "messages from the other world;" Chase's mirror universes.

Did the audience for The Sopranos think about Bunuel? Or Welles? Surely a few, but no one needed to while the gangster stories were in play. It is nevertheless true that the series would not have lured us to our TV's if we were not titillated by the surreal strangeness of Tony's stories on a subconscious level. That doubleness that leavens The Sopranos dictated the way Chase had to end it.

Here's where I tell you about the final cut to black at the end of the series.

Welles' magic, Bunuel's real-looking dreams, Poe's sand that keeps flowing through our fingers no matter what we try to do to stop it, are the inspirations for the cut to black. The cut to black brought to American television the sense of an ending that produces wonder instead of the tying-up of loose ends that characterizes the tradition of the formulaic series. Tony's decisive win over his enemy in the New York mob, Phil Leotardo, is the final user-friendly event in Chase's gangster story that gratifies the desire to be conclusive, and it would have been the finale of a less compelling gangster story. The cut to black is the moment when Castaneda and the American Romantics rise to the surface and the gangster story slips through our fingers and vanishes.

I'm not guessing. When I asked Chase about the cut to black, he said that it is about Poe's poem "Dream Within a Dream." "What more can I say?" he asks when I prod him to speak more, and I admire his silence. I am his audience too and he wants me to reach for his meaning. And here's what I conclude. Though you wouldn't know it from watching Hollywood movies, endings are by nature mysterious. There is the instability of loss in an ending as well as the satisfying sense of completion. American television before Chase, with the exception of David Lynch's Twin Peaks, one of Chase's avowed key inspirations for the art of The Sopranos, built a craft that dispenses with the destabilizing aspects of an ending. The true art of closure will not tolerate such a boring decision. Moreover, the art of closure forbids merely telling the audience in words that there is loss, since words can create the illusion of safety and control. Chase's art seeks a silent level of knowing more profound than words. He believes we already know if we open up to that deeper part of us.

"I've had this happen my entire career, in some form or other: I think I've done a regular movie. And people go, 'What the hell was that?'"

Chase also believes that the marketing of entertainment, which involves shoehorning movies and television into slogans, cuts us off from us the wonder of life's contradictions. After all, it is in part the successful marketing of The Sopranos as gangster television that made the ending of the series so shocking. Expectations were created on a level below conscious thought that it would follow the pattern of what we think of as a gangster story.

Chase believes, with good reason, that the inability of the marketers to pigeonhole his first film, 2012’s Not Fade Away, is responsible for its less-than-stellar showing at the box office. Yet it would follow that the failure of the marketers to find the right slogans is also responsible for leaving the audience free to experience the wonder of his choices. It is a catch-22. If you can't market a film with easy-to-understand slogans, the audience doesn't come. If you can, the audience builds up expectations that may block the true fascination of what is on screen.

When Chase didn't do a gangster film or a thriller for his encore, as some of his intimates advised, he took a dangerous route. Steeped in his delight in detail, Not Fade Away tells an unorthodox 1960's story, set in a beautifully recreated New Jersey of that period, about the failure of hero Douglas Damiano and his pals to find big-time success with their garage rock-and-roll band. A film about a dream that doesn't come true, it bumps up against America's obsession with against-all-odds success stories. On the other hand, its rejection of the template makes possible discoveries that are usually suppressed in the Hollywood tales of Americans who surmount the obstacles. Success stories tidy up narratives about career aspirations; they justify everything that happens to the main characters with the big reward at the end. Chase chose instead to invoke the wonder of following one's bliss, the mantra of the ‘60's, which involves the dangers as well as the pleasures and the indeterminacy of that kind of choice.

In Chase's film, the characters enter into a process that is not part of a Benjamin Franklin-like conveyor belt to success, but a process of listening and looking. As Mark Johnson, the film's producer, pointed out to me, Chase repeatedly asks his camera to register extreme close-ups of the eyes and ears of Douglas and his girlfriend, Grace Dietz, as they listen to music and watch film and television. Chase shows us these sensory acts as silent attempts to go beyond the blinkered perspectives they see around them. Instead of making his film rise and fall on the band’s commercial success, Chase asks us to engage with Douglas and Grace's journey of discovery of something riveting in the films of Orson Welles and Michelangelo Antonioni, as well the television show The Twilight Zone. Doug and Grace are straining for something beyond words.

Going beyond the safety of words and recipes for success is not for the faint of heart. Douglas and Grace take off for California, on the trail of the elusive something, and the result is the breakup of everything Douglas has previously known. Once in Los Angeles, Douglas is not sure about what he is doing, and when we last see him, he is separated from Grace at a Hollywood party. We’re left wondering where she has gone and whether he will ever see her again. Douglas's isolation leads to the film's climactic moment when he tries to hitch a ride home from the party. It is an ending that we do not see coming for this story about a boy who wants to play rock music.

When a car finally stops for Douglas on a dark boulevard windswept with garbage, our hero looks in to see an eerie-looking girl whose face is tattooed with pictures of tear drops while a sinister, only partly visible male driver looks on. The genius of this concluding scene is in the suspense of the long moment Douglas takes to observe his situation before backing off from the car. Chase takes his time to let the audience experience the full potential for disaster in this choice, before we watch Douglas reject it and walk off into the night, still on his way somewhere that neither he nor we can pin down.

In an e-mail to me, Chase wrote, "I guess what I was trying to get to in Not Fade Away is that experiencing art is the closest an atheist or agnostic can get to praying." What I understand Chase to mean here by praying is that in going beyond the cramped boundaries set by his parents, Douglas has opened himself up to the universe and life, a freedom that is not without perils and cannot guarantee rewards. Chase doesn't tell us this. He gives us space to experience it for ourselves. Because Not Fade Away is a story of youth and potential, not Tony's story of a life steeped in blood and greed, the sense of this ending has an upbeat tone, rather than the shock of The Sopranos finale.

What could the craft of the marketer have done for this film? Hard to imagine packing 'em in with the tagline, "In a time of social unrest, one boy found Art, the nearest thing to praying." Over-dependence on neat formulas has reduced the movie industry to this kind of absurdity as well as promoting a widespread avoidance of originality.

This is easy for an artist to understand in concept, but hard to recognize in practice. Chase thought, until he got puzzled reactions from fans and critics, that Not Fade Away was a completely accessible film. "I've had this happen my entire career, in some form or other: I think I've done a regular movie. And people go, 'What the hell was that?' And I go, 'Really?' After a while you begin to realize that you are different."

I didn't get the originality of the film either, until I had thought about it a long time and spoken with Chase. Chase believes that my revised thoughts on Not Fade Away are "bullshit," an emotional contamination of my first ostensibly truer response because I know him better personally now. I fight him on this every chance I get because I believe that criticism doesn't mean beans if our first responses are all we believe in. I don't think they are emotionally truer, but rather the opposite. First responses tend to ignore our emotions in favor of stock responses we have learned either through long exposure to formulaic entertainment or long exposure bad criticism.

I insist again that I like Not Fade Away better now because I've gotten beyond the confused marketing of the film. But whatever. Even if Chase and I might be ready to throw the silverware at each other over this dispute, both of us think this is a better kind of discussion than furiously arguing about Tony's ultimate survival.

These days, Chase is talking about the growing fatigue he feels with language. It's not a depletion of ideas; he has plenty of them. Chase's reading tells some of what his "word weariness" is about. He revisited Castaneda's early books about four years ago, and recently he opened up for the first time Castaneda's last book, The Power of Silence. He's also reading Barbara Ehrenreich's Living with a Wild God: The Non-Believer's Search for the Truth About Everything, which is about the exploration of the knowledge buried in our deepest, most silent recesses.

Chase is entering now into pre-production on Little Black Dress — about a severely wounded female soldier — which he tells me has a more familiar structure than Not Fade Away. That is, his heroine has a clearly focused, high-stakes goal. When I ask him if it is formulaic, he looks at me, his face darkened by a wordless revulsion at the thought, and he shakes his head "no." It would be foolish of him to say much more about a movie in the delicate first stages of production, and he doesn't. Early in the game whether a project will go forward is often uncertain. But I have to surmise that if he does make this film, Little Black Dress will be in some way affected by Chase's feeling that words are in the way and that he's more and more impatient to "get to the set and move the camera around."

On very rare occasions Chase will say that once, long ago, he glimpsed something fleeting that he could never quite pin down and could never forget

When he directs Little Black Dress, will Chase want to adopt an improvisational method? More likely, Little Black Dress opens the possibility of a further plunge into silent knowing, since the limitations of language threaten to trivialize the depths of human experience during wartime. Because of Chase's playful exploration when he makes a movie, his deeply intuitive methods, and his demand that a film "mean something," Eigil Bryld, the Danish cinematographer who worked on Not Fade Away, thinks that Chase is exactly the kind of director that cinema needs urgently today. "He must go on," Bryld said passionately when I spoke to him.

But it all depends on us, finally, doesn't it? And maybe Chase's art itself can be of some help here. Consider an example offered by Not Fade Away, when Douglas and Grace are watching Blow-Up, an enigmatic film about the mysteries a photographer uncovers as he begins to look more and more closely at what his camera is photographing. It is not what Douglas expects.

"What kind of a movie is this?" he asks Grace. "There's no music to tell you how you're supposed to feel or what's going to happen." "I think the rustling of the trees is the music," says Grace. Douglas doesn't understand immediately, as Grace does, that it's only by discarding his expectations that the film will give him some simple set of instructions that he has any hope of escaping from the comfortable numbness of the life he wants to break away from.

Might we not do well to take up Chase's challenge? To look and listen intently, letting ourselves experience our own sensations at the images of life slipping and sliding this way and that on the screen, instead of relying on marketers and formulas to regiment and organize us? It's not whether a character dies on screen that is at stake, but whether we die to our own capacity for wonder.

Tuesday, August 26, 2014


Andrew Sulllivan's "The Dish"
Vladimir Putin and Petro Poroshenko met face-to-face in Minsk today, for the first time since June, to discuss the crisis in Ukraine and how to resolve it:
Putin devoted most of his opening remarks to trade, arguing that Ukraine’s decision to sign an association agreement with the EU would lead to huge losses for Russia, which would then be forced to protect its economy. Russia had been counting on Ukraine joining a rival economic union that it is forming with Belarus and Kazakhstan. Ukraine is set to ratify the EU association agreement in September. On the fighting that began in April between Ukrainian troops and pro-Russia separatists, Putin said only that he was certain the conflict "could not be solved by further escalation of the military scenario without taking into account the vital interests of the southeast of the country and without a peaceful dialogue of its representatives."
Poroshenko would be unlikely to agree to Russia’s frequent call for federalization — devolving wide powers to the regions from the central government — but could agree to allow them to have some expanded powers. He also has spoken against holding a referendum on Ukraine’s joining NATO; Russia’s desire to keep Ukraine out of the alliance is seen as one of Moscow’s key concerns.
Just prior to the start of the talks, Ukraine announced that it had captured ten Russian paratroopers on its territory, proving that Russian forces have been deployed on the ground there. The Kremlin admits the soldiers are Russian but claims they ended up in Ukraine accidentally:
"The soldiers really did participate in a patrol of a section of the Russian-Ukrainian border, crossed it by accident on an unmarked section, and as far as we understand showed no resistance to the armed forces of Ukraine when they were detained," a source in Russia’s defence ministry told the RIA Novosti agency. Ukraine said it had captured 10 Russian soldiers, though it did not state how they were caught. Weapons and fighters are able to cross the porous border freely, but until now there has never been confirmation that serving Russian soldiers were active inside Ukraine, despite repeated claims from Kiev and some circumstantial evidence.
To Ed Morrissey, this revelation is just another sign that Putin is preparing for all-out war:
For most leaders, this would provide enough of an embarrassment to force a halt in their strategies. Not Vladimir Putin, though. If anyone believes that Putin will slow his roll into eastern Ukraine just because he’s been caught red-handed with paratroopers on the other side of the border, think again. Putin has taken his measure of the West and thinks he can live with the economic pain for the short period of time in which sanctions will bite. Fall is coming, and with it the need for Russian gas in eastern Europe. Nothing in the past few weeks other than the lack of an all-out invasion to relieve the rebels gives any indication that Putin’s plans have been deflected to any significant degree. Don’t expect a few POWs to shame Putin into backing down now.
Also yesterday, Poroshenko dissolved parliament and called for new elections in two months. Steve LeVine analyzes the political situation in Kiev:
While the country is more stable politically since the May elections that brought Poroshenko to power, it remains in a tremendous military and economic crisis. … The more elections Poroshenko gets under his belt, the more legitimacy he hopes he will have, as Russian president Vladimir Putin effectively challenges his right to rule. In the last couple of weeks, Putin has appeared to retreat from his most vitriolic rhetoric regarding Ukraine, but the likelihood is that he will only reluctantly stand down from his ultimate goal, which is to keep Ukraine so destabilized that it cannot join NATO or be a fruitful economic partner of Europe’s.
Belarus, meanwhile, hopes to benefit just from hosting the talks:
[Belarusian President Alexander] Lukashenko’s iron-fisted internal politics haven’t changed but he has always remained open to overtures from the west despite his close ties to Russia, said Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of the journal Russia in Global Affairs and chairman of the Council on Foreign and Defence policy. "The geopolitical situation has changed and now Lukashenko doesn’t seem as awful as he did a year ago," Lukyanov said. Because of its relatively neutral position with regard to both Russia and Ukraine, Belarus has become essentially the only place where leaders from both sides can meet without losing face. "Being a country that’s connected with Russia but can preserve fairly independent politics makes Belarus an important player between Ukraine, the EU and Russia," Lukyanov said. "The EU is forced to relate to [Lukashenko] differently."






Clouding Talks, Ukraine Says It Captured Russian Troops


By ANDREW HIGGINS NY TIMES


MINSK, Belarus — Ukraine released video clips on Tuesday of what it said were captured Russian soldiers, raising tensions as President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia met in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, with his Ukrainian counterpart, President Petro O. Poroshenko.


In earlier peace talks between lower-ranking officials, Moscow’s position on its role in the conflict in eastern Ukraine has prevented discussion of what Ukrainian officials regard as the key to stopping the conflict: a Russian willingness to acknowledge, and halt, its support for rebels in the cities of Luhansk and Donetsk.


"It makes it very difficult to negotiate anything when Putin says he is not involved," Michael A. McFaul, a former United States ambassador to Moscow and now a professor at Stanford University, said in a telephone interview.


The release of the videos and the high-level talks came a day after Ukraine accused Russia of sending an armored column across the border, prompting Geoffrey R. Pyatt, the United States ambassador to Ukraine, to express alarm on Twitter. "The new columns of Russian tanks and armor crossing into Ukraine indicates a Russian-directed counteroffensive may be underway. #escalation," he wrote.


American and Ukrainian officials have said they are increasingly concerned that Russia is orchestrating a counteroffensive to reverse recent gains by Ukrainian forces. "Russia’s military incursions into Ukraine — artillery, air def systems, dozens of tanks & military personnel — represent significant escalation," Susan E. Rice, President Obama’s national security adviser, wrote in a Twitter post.


Ukraine has repeatedly accused Russia of supporting the separatists, without providing any solid evidence. On Tuesday, Kiev released video clips of four men who, under interrogation, identified themselves as Russian soldiers captured on Ukrainian territory. The men, who were among 10 soldiers Ukraine said it had captured, gave their names and military serial numbers and said they had been sent to Ukraine by their superiors after initially being told they were going on a training exercise.


The videos were posted on the Facebook page of Ukraine’s so-called Anti-Terrorist Operation, just hours before Mr. Putin met Mr. Poroshenko and senior officials of the European Union in Minsk. The meeting between the two presidents, the first since a brief encounter in June, will not end the conflict in eastern Ukraine, analysts said, but could open the way for future talks.


Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, who visited Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, over the weekend, dampened expectations for the Minsk meeting. It "certainly won’t result in the breakthrough" that Germany and others were hoping for, she told German television in an interview broadcast Sunday evening.


The videos released by Ukraine may make it more difficult for the Kremlin to stick to its approach of simply denying that it has any hand in the fighting.


"Everything was a lie. There were no drills here," one of the captured Russians, who identified himself as Sergey A. Smirnov, told a Ukrainian interrogator. He said he and other Russians from an airborne unit in Kostroma, in central Russia, had been sent on what was described initially as a military training exercise but later turned into a mission into Ukraine. After having their cellphones and identity documents taken away, they were sent into Ukraine on vehicles stripped of all markings, Mr. Smirnov said.


In another video released by Ukraine, a man identified himself as Ivan Milchakov, a member of a Russian paratroop regiment from Kostroma, north of Moscow. "Everything is different here, not like they show it on television. We’ve come as cannon fodder," he said, apparently referring to Russian television reports that the ouster of Viktor F. Yanukovych as Ukraine’s president in February had left Ukraine in the hands of fascist fanatics. He said he "did not see where we crossed the border" into Ukraine and had been told he was being sent on "a 70-kilometer march over three days."


RIA Novosti, a state-controlled Russian news agency, quoted an unnamed source from the Russian Defense Ministry as saying the men had crossed into Ukraine by accident. "The soldiers really did participate in a patrol of a section of the Russian-Ukrainian border, crossed it by accident on an unmarked section, and as far as we understand showed no resistance to the armed forces of Ukraine when they were detained," the source said.




Russian Soldiers Captured in Donetsk Region



Ukraine announced on Tuesday that it had detained 10 Russian soldiers in the Donetsk region, about 10 miles from the border. The Ukrainian military has cut the urban centers of Luhansk and Donetsk off from the flow of weapons and fighters from Russia, but feirce fighting continues throughout the region with these cities at the center of the heaviest mortar and rocket attacks.


Sources: Ukrainian Council of National Security and Defense; Pro-Russian separatist leaders


A spokesman for the Ukrainian military, Andriy Lysenko, disputed that account and accused Russia of sending the soldiers across the border on a "special mission," Reuters reported.


Dmitri Trenin, an expert on Russian foreign policy and the director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, predicted that Russia would persist with its denials but might be willing to quietly abandon its support over time as it shifted to other ways to pressure Kiev. "There is no solution to the Ukraine issue any time soon," Mr. Trenin said in a telephone interview from Moscow.


Russia has already severed gas supplies to Ukraine, complaining that it has not been paid for previous deliveries, and energy shortages will grow increasingly painful for Ukraine as winter approaches. Moscow’s long-term goal, Mr. Trenin said, is not to force Ukraine to recognize the rebels’ self-declared states but to ensure that Ukraine never joins NATO or allows Western troops on Ukrainian territory.


That goal could be accomplished, he said, by forcing Ukraine to make constitutional changes that would give eastern regions an effective veto over key decisions by the government in Kiev.


Ukraine released video clips on Tuesday of what it said were 10 captured Russian soldiers. Credit Reuters Tv/Reuters


"We are still at the early stages of this monumental struggle," he said. "The eastern rebels may lose their battle and Putin may be willing to accept this as a tactical move. But he is not ready to accept defeat of Russia’s policy in Ukraine."


The gathering in Minsk was originally scheduled as a meeting of the Eurasian Customs Union, a Russian-led economic bloc that includes Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. But the crisis in Ukraine took over as the main issue when President Aleksandr G. Lukashenko of Belarus, the host of the meeting, arranged for Mr. Poroshenko to attend and hold talks with Mr. Putin, their first meeting since a frosty encounter during D-Day commemorations in France in early June.


Mr. Lukashenko told Catherine Ashton, the European Union’s foreign policy chief, who was also in Minsk, that "we must extinguish the flames of this conflict by all means possible." But he made it clear that the Minsk session was just a start and would not produce a swift settlement. He said it would merely establish a "platform for negotiations."


With Mr. Putin arriving late in the Belarussian capital, the start of the meeting was pushed back an hour to 3 p.m., leaving only a few hours for discussion on the crisis in Ukraine as well as talks about the customs union. Mr. Putin’s original hopes to turn the alliance into an eastern rival to the European Union have faded since Ukraine refused to join.


Mr. Poroshenko has instead chosen to sign a sweeping trade and political pact with the European Union, reversing a decision last November by his predecessor, Mr. Yanukovych, to turn toward Russia instead of Europe. Mr. Putin’s economic bloc, said Mr. McFaul, the former ambassador, will "limp along — but without Ukraine it is a very different organization" from what Mr. Putin had wanted.


Michael R. Gordon contributed reporting from Washington.