Thursday, January 27, 2022

Old Problems, New Times

 Old Problems, New Times

Daniel Cole  Current

Walter Lippmann/Library of Congress

In the midst of our civic crisis, Walter Lippmann’s Public Opinion still speaks

Mis- and disinformation, partisanship and polarization, crisis points and public trust—the big problems of 2022 were tackled by Walter Lippmann in his book Public Opinion, published one century ago. Certainly, the book’s central image of an average citizen spending thirty minutes a day with a print newspaper now seems quaint. Political media has exploded since 1922, and thirty minutes per day may sound healthier than the relentless torrent from multiple sources available now. Even so, Public Opinion holds up remarkably well. While Lippmann’s remedies were lacking, his diagnosis was dead-on.

A towering journalist and public intellectual through most of the twentieth century, Walter Lippmann (1889-1974) left a lexicon that is still with us. He coined the phrase “cold-war,” defining an era. In the pages of Public Opinion he repurposed the term “stereotype,” succinctly naming the simplistic preconceptions humans tend to rely on. The book’s similar notion of a “pseudo-environment” anticipates the concept of social constructionism. Although many associate the phrase “manufacture of consent” with Noam Chomsky, it first appeared in Public Opinion. 

Indeed, Chomsky and others have fueled the widely held perception of Lippmann as an elitist who believed ordinary citizens lack intelligence and thus democracy to be fatally flawed because it relies on their judgment. This is not the view, however, that Lippmann puts forward in Public Opinion.

The book is partially rooted in Lippmann’s experience as an intelligence officer in the US Army during World War I. He describes developing public information amid a bewildering reality, while remaining acutely aware of two distinct audiences: a home front that craves affirmation and an enemy who both prompts and reacts to their reports. Though uncertain of battlefield realities themselves, intel officers both manipulated information aggressively and fabricated baseless stories; meanwhile, the enemy apparently did the same. Home-front audiences had no way of knowing the difference. 

Lippmann suggests that wartime propaganda is not so different from the peacetime press. Yet, he also thought the image of elites pushing self-serving narratives to control the masses did not capture the problem. Indeed, Lippmann went out of his way to dispel this notion by noting that the socialist press, certainly not in thrall to the capitalist elite, was no less prone to distortions and misrepresentations. Lippmann argued that the real problem went much deeper.

The problem is this: The world is complex and human understanding is limited. This impacts both the production and consumption of media. 

In Lippmann’s reckoning, everyday citizens aren’t unintelligent—they’re just not the “omnicompetent” information processors and decision-makers that purist democratic theory presumes. They have normal, natural limits of time, experience, and understanding. As they act in a world beyond their ken, they have no choice but to make judgments based on simplifying, distorting stereotypes. As a result, “public opinion” is not a unified organism but an internally conflicted mass.

In a striking passage, Lippmann anticipates the polarizing feedback loops of today’s social media. He writes that a large number of individuals responding to the same stimuli would scatter amid “a polygon of error” where clusters of like minded people could be classified together. “These classifications would begin to harden as individuals in each of these classifications made their reactions vocal. That is to say, when the vague feelings of those who felt vaguely were put into words, they would know more definitely what they felt, and would then feel it more definitely.”

This strength of feeling, generally tied to slogans and symbols, often prompts public discussion to be overwrought and discordant with the blandness of actual governance. Something as work-a-day as setting a subway fare can boil over into a battle for the nation’s soul: “An eight cent fare becomes unAmerican. The Revolutionary fathers died to prevent it. Lincoln suffered that it might not come to pass. Resistance to it is implied in [our war dead].” 

Such depictions of the public invite charges of elitism. But Lippman makes clear that citizens must act on imperfect information, with little choice but to work with packaged accounts of events and subjects they can only know at second or third hand. Journalists and editors have cognitive and perceptive limitations of their own, notwithstanding their expertise and closer connection to reported events. Even with the best intentions and conditions, they must make complexity simple, first for themselves and then for their audiences.  

For Lippmann, it’s not that the media are wholly and deliberately misleading. Rather, they are arbitrary, and inevitably incomplete. He compares the press to the “beam of a searchlight that moves restlessly about,” leaving some things in darkness to illuminate others. And once an event is deemed newsworthy, its myriad elements can be framed, organized, contextualized, and narrativized any number of ways, entailing various emphases and omissions. One word chosen over another can imply different conceptions of reality. Veracity levels fluctuate as a malleable reality is massaged or exploited. Degrees of distortion are an unavoidable byproduct. It is impossible to escape bias, or charges of bias: It’s one-sideism! It’s both-sidesism!

While Lippmann saw general epistemic limitations as a fundamental problem, he also recognized ideology and confirmation bias as important factors. He depicts his kitchen table newsreaders preferring papers that comport with their beliefs, and editors playing to this desire. 

Seeing grassroots politics as mostly illusory, he pitched top-down solutions: Policy would be mostly shaped by experts, technocrats, or oversight panels. We see the pitfalls of this approach (but no less the populist approach!) in our muddling through the Covid 19 pandemic. As for social media anarchy,  Lippmannesque responses have been floated, but who or what can be the universally accepted final arbiter of truth and reality online—or off?

In the end, Lippmann describes a problem that can’t be solved. Instead, it must be managed. Lately, we’ve not managed it well, as we endure a cold civil war in which many seem willing to subvert our institutions.

So how can citizens hope to manage the maladies Lippmann diagnosed? First, we should follow the news with humility, mindful of its gaps and biases as well as our own limitations. We should use it less as validation and more as a source of imperfect but needed information. Second, we should note how vulnerable fervent belief can make us. We can hold our beliefs strongly, but we should also recognize that ideologies are systems of stereotypes in Lippmann’s sense: They are useful simplifications that help us operate in the world. In short, we must continually remind ourselves not to equate our stereotypes with reality. 

Daniel Cole is an Associate Professor of Writing Studies and Rhetoric at Hofstra University.

 

Sunday, January 23, 2022

Considering E.M. Forster’s Maurice at four moments in time.

 Considering E.M. Forster’s Maurice at four moments in time.

LAPHAM’S QUARTERLY

What an Ending

By Dylan Byron

History does not reach us only in classrooms and via textbooks; movies, novels, songs, and even video games have shaped how we understand what came before the present for generations. In the upcoming months, Lapham’s Quarterly will explore the history and allure of pop culture's period pieces, artifacts that captivated audiences with their conceptions of the past—and the political and cultural contexts that made these historical fictions so compelling.


On September 5, 1987, under the spell of the sinking and watery city where Aschenbach first saw Tadzio emerge from the sea like some frail and golden god in Thomas Mann’s Death in Venice, the Merchant-Ivory adaptation of E.M. Forster’s cross-class gay romance Maurice premiered at the Venice Film Festival. The production was chummily Anglo-American, making for a curiously polite protest (if protest it was) against the colonial nostalgia and reactionary homophobia of the Reagan-Thatcher years. As much an uncritically aestheticized portrayal of elite English Edwardianism as it was a melancholy glamorization of closeted gay life, the transatlantic confection cost £1.58 million, a sum that would have bought 262 AIDS patients a year’s worth of Retrovir (AZT), licensed for use that year at a price that made it the world’s most expensive drug to date. What are the politics of visual pleasure for a movie about nascent queer love filmed in the time of AIDS but set in the late imperial cocoon of clipped lawns and subfusc?

Forster began writing Maurice in 1913, when the British Empire governed nearly a quarter of the earth’s population and the question of nostalgia was beside the point. Forster was thirty-four, eighteen years had passed since Oscar Wilde’s conviction for “gross indecency,” and it would be another fifty-four years before “homosexual acts” were decriminalized in the United Kingdom. Completed in 1914 and subsequently revised several times, Maurice was published only after Forster’s death in 1970, a year after Stonewall; understandably fearing homophobic reprisal, he had refused to publish the novel in his lifetime, instead leaving the manuscript to his friend Christopher Isherwood, who subsequently oversaw its publication in 1971. The barely canonical novel circles around the story of Clive Durham and Maurice Hall, Cambridge undergraduates who fall in love reading Plato’s Symposium and listening to Tchaikovsky’s Pathétique Symphony. In a “Terminal Note” appended in 1960, Forster reveals that Maurice “was the direct result of a visit to Edward Carpenter,” the Cambridge-educated, sandal-wearing gardener, poet, and utopian socialist who lived with his much younger, rather more working-class boyfriend, George Merrill, in Millthorpe, a village in Derbyshire. Forster praises the intellectual example of Carpenter but credits Merrill’s ambient sensuality with instigating the novel:

George Merrill also touched my backside—gently and just above the buttocks. I believe he touched most people’s. The sensation was unusual and I still remember it, as I remember the position of a long-vanished tooth…I then returned to Harrogate, where my mother was taking a cure, and immediately began to write Maurice. No other of my books has started off this way.

The excessive repression evinced by this explanation of Maurice’s origins would be comical if its cause—the criminalization of gay life—had not been so cruel. A similarly breathless, faintly dusty atmosphere of sophomoric fumbling pervades the novel itself, at times sickeningly.

Rejecting Victorian portrayals of homosexuality as tragic and ruinous, Forster insisted that “a happy ending was imperative,” but most of the story is still pretty gloomy. When Maurice initially condemns Clive for his profession of love, the narration (couched in free indirect discourse) sounds straight out of the literature of homosexual doom Forster explicitly sought to avoid:

Great was the pain, great the mortification, but worse followed. So deeply had Clive become one with the beloved that he began to loathe himself. His whole philosophy of life broke down, and the sense of sin was reborn in its ruins, and crawled along corridors. Hall had said he was a criminal, and must know. He was damned.

Even at the high point of the affair, when Maurice and Clive keep close but rather chaste company for a time in London together, the novel gives us only a very muted sense of mutual satisfaction: “During the next two years Maurice and Clive had as much happiness as men under that star can expect.” By the end of part 2, Clive and Maurice break as lovers when Clive, the more posh of the two and anxious to protect his class privilege, decides to marry a woman. They brawl on the floor, with Maurice weeping and saying, “What an ending, what an ending.”


Figure at a Window, by Julio González, 1936. Photograph © Tate (CC-BY-NC-ND 3.0).

It was not, of course, the novel’s ending, since Maurice goes on to fall in love with Alec Scudder, a young servant on the Durham estate. The unhappily married Clive greets the revelation of Maurice’s new entanglement with genteel contempt, barely comprehending what he has been told: “Intimacy with any social inferior was unthinkable to him.” But Forster did not celebrate the transcendence of social hierarchy he had so vividly witnessed in the Carpenter-Merrill household. A few chapters earlier, Maurice is disgusted to learn that his new lover was a son of the village butcher: “Maurice flung his hat on the floor of the car with all his force. ‘That is about the limit,’ he thought, and buried both hands in his hair.” So much for love that knows no bounds; though estranged, Clive and Maurice speak as class equals behind the back of Maurice’s new love, the butcher’s son. Though Clive, with his country estate and London house, clearly outranks Maurice, a mere stockbroker, their shared time at Cambridge sealed them together in a gentleman’s pact of noble sexlessness—highly dramatic, gloriously narrated, and later lushly filmed. Hypnotized by the sullen passion of the Clive-Maurice romance, we learn almost nothing about the ostensibly triumphant love of Maurice and Alec, which suddenly (and without any convincing characterization on either side) escapes the overwhelming constraints of class and sexual repression, ending the novel in an inchoate glimmer, a conditional possibility, an afterthought.


Sunset Sky over the Lake: The Boathouse on the Right, by J.M.W. Turner, 1827. Photograph © Tate (CC-BY-NC-ND 3.0).

There is a certain line of argument that would dismiss these skeptical reflections as hopelessly anachronistic, insisting that Foster was a lion in his own time, visionary in his imagining of still-unthought queer love. But the reactions of Forster’s friends and contemporaries, several of whom read drafts of the book, would suggest otherwise. Carpenter was lukewarm in his praise, telling Forster in an August 1914 letter that he didn’t “always like your rather hesitating tantalizing impressionist style.” He did appreciate that the ending is a happy one: “I am so glad you end up on a major chord.” Bloomsbury critic Lytton Strachey was more frank about the limits of the evasiveness that Carpenter called “tantalizing,” excoriating Forster for sexless scenes that appeared so primly anti-erotic compared to Strachey’s own exuberant homosexuality: “I really think the whole conception of male copulation in the book rather diseased—in fact morbid and unnatural.” Perhaps the harshest reaction came from Hugh Meredith, a married former classmate to whom Forster had dedicated A Room with a View: he was so indifferent to the manuscript that Forster felt their very friendship had been called into question. Even Forster was less than sanguine about the novel’s prospects, writing to his friend Florence Barger in 1915, “To you [Maurice] will reveal a new and painful world, into which you will hardly have occasion to glance again.” Major chords aside, to Forster the world of homosexuality was a painful one—how could it be anything but in 1915?

While Forster’s contemporaries saw Maurice as behind even their own times, the generation that followed him would come to see the novel as a precursor to gay liberation. Looking for a pair of fresh eyes for his old draft in 1932, Forster turned to the young Isherwood, only twenty-eight and already the author of two novels as well as a constant companion of W.H. Auden’s in the erotic, artistic, and intellectual playgrounds of interwar Berlin. In his 1976 autobiography Christopher and His Kind—itself a kind of coming out from the more winking, novelistic recounting of the same period in 1939’s Goodbye to Berlin—Isherwood evokes the scene of their first meeting in a deflective third person:

Christopher sits gazing at this master of their art, this great prophet of their tribe, who declares that there can be real love, love without limit or excuse, between two men. Here he is, humble in his greatness, unsure of his own genius. Christopher stammers some words of praise and devotion, his eyes brimming with tears. And Forster—amused and touched, but more touched than amused—leans forward and kisses him on the cheek.

Paradoxically, a novel that seemed too stilted, “impressionistic,” “morbid” even to Forster’s contemporaries becomes a moving celebration of male love “without limit or excuse” to a leading writer of the ostensibly more liberated 1930s generation. Isherwood sees the older novelist’s hesitation as humility and the mildness of his experiment as prophetic of a still more permissive world to come. In contrast with Forster’s more critical Edwardian contemporaries, who saw him as something of a sexless fuddy-duddy, Isherwood blames the Edwardian period itself for Maurice’s chasteness, elegizing Forster as a “wonder” who, “imprisoned within the jungle of prewar prejudice,” could nevertheless put “those unthinkable thoughts into words.”


E.M. Forster, by Howard Coster, 1938. © National Portrait Gallery, London.

A decade later, Isherwood was dead and gay liberation was about to suffer its harshest test. Ronald Reagan was sworn into a second term in 1985 and Margaret Thatcher into a third in 1987. By the end of 1987, three months after Maurice screened at Venice, more than forty thousand had died of AIDS in the U.S. The number of reported cases had topped fifty thousand. On Reagan’s orders, noncitizens with HIV were barred from entering the country. The same year Larry Kramer founded ACT UP. Clearly, an opulent fantasy of gay Edwardian infatuation wasn’t in the zeitgeist. Or was it?

For those who had seen other film adaptations by the producing and life partners James Ivory and Ismail Merchant, Maurice’s ambiance was to be expected. Directed by Ivory (who cowrote the screenplay with Kit Hesketh-Harvey) and starring Hugh Grant as Clive, James Wilby as Maurice, and Rupert Graves as Alec, the Merchant-Ivory Maurice leans heavily, and predictably, into the atmospheric glitz of the antique, the precious, the privileged. True to Forster’s ambivalent eros, bodies are kept to a polite minimum, impeccably styled. Indeed, style itself becomes an object of attraction, and one is almost unsure whether to fall in love with the undeniably beautiful trio of lead actors or the surrounding furniture and houses.

Apparently Ivory wasn’t sure either. At one of the summits of the film’s over-exquisite longing, Grant rests his handsome head ever so suggestively on Wilby’s khaki knee to the plaintive strains of “Miserere mei,” Allegri’s 1638 setting of Psalm 50. Suddenly the music stops. A nape is stroked, locks twirl, and, as the protagonists shift, turning for a kiss, the creak of wicker is heard. An awkward noise for a collegiate kiss? Not so, thought the film’s director, who told The New Yorker in 2017, “The sound of that wicker chair is so sexy…it’s a fantastic sound. It just happened.” While probably not what ACT UP had in mind when its members chanted, “We’ll never be silent again! ACT UP!” in reference to its 1987 poster campaign “Silence=Death,” the creak of wicker and rustle of silk do capture the discreet aesthetic of the film’s version of gay life. Critics of Ivory’s too sunny, almost rose-colored view of the English high bourgeoisie (no one is quite an aristocrat) may be surprised to learn that this cold palette extended even to the cinematography, and quite deliberately. In his recently released memoir, Solid Ivory, Ivory recalls, “In later life I turned to chillier colors myself, and told my cameramen and art directors that I wanted certain films of mine to be predominantly cool in color, as for instance Maurice.” Thus the several paradoxes of Maurice compound: a deeply sad book built around a happy ending turned into an almost baroquely passionate film shot in self-consciously cool colors.


A Conversation, by George Romney, 1766. Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

Though profoundly repressed, the Merchant-Ivory Maurice is in fact—and perhaps despite itself—a weirdly emotional movie, arguably outstripping the novel itself in this respect. The film’s principal characters are frequently seen weeping, passing out, breaking down. Shortly after his Cambridge friend Lord Risley is convicted and imprisoned for gross indecency, Clive has a fainting spell at the Hall family dinner table, collapsing to the floor in a crash of china, and has to be carried upstairs and put to bed by Maurice. When Maurice calls for a doctor, the man insists that the Halls call for a nurse. In the scene where Clive and Maurice have their parting as lovers, Wilby says the line “What an ending, what an ending” with tears streaming down his face, trembling, shaking, convulsing almost, falling back into a chair and curled into himself like a shattered and helpless infant. To Forster’s original dialogue, Ivory and Hesketh-Harvey add “What’s going to happen to me?” and “I’m done for.”

An aura of unraveling, anxious panic and indistinct, undiagnosable illness pervades the second half of the film, with Maurice seeking out first his family doctor and then a specialist in hypnotism, increasingly hysterical. Declaring himself an “unspeakable of the Oscar Wilde sort” to Dr. Barry (Denholm Elliott), Maurice asks, again teary-eyed, his voice quavering, “Am I diseased? If I am, I want to be cured.” Supine on the couch of the hypnotist Lasker Jones (Ben Kingsley), Maurice cries bitterly at the suggestion he envision a pretty girl, saying, “I want to go home to my mother,” and barely stammering out, “She’s not attractive to me” and “I like short hair best” through profuse tears. Ivory may have intended his response to the death and decay of the body that so grimly defined the AIDS era to be one of slick hair and perfect skin, white-tie attire, and, of course, wicker. But even in this nostalgic, romantic idyll of abstinent love and apparently inviolable privilege, queer love is never far from the three-headed Cerberus of medicine, law, and pseudopsychology. Sickness always finds its way in, hissing, “Et in Arcadia ego” in a crystalline whisper.

Maurice was released in the United States on September 18, 1987, thirteen days after its premiere in Venice and almost exactly five weeks after I was born. When I was a teenager, the film acted as a kind of code word for bookish, pre-Grindr gays: “Have you seen Maurice?” It’s since become something else, an escape, perhaps, from a new sickness, a new death. I watched Maurice most recently with my boyfriend in the third week of March 2020, hiding in dread and reading CDC press releases as a new pandemic shut down New York. Soon enough there were rumors that patients with HIV wouldn’t be given ventilators. I was thirty-three, he was twenty-three, and in all the years since we’d joined the unspeakables of the Oscar Wilde sort, not a day went by that we didn’t remember the pandemic of forty years and forty million, the one whose name was hard to speak even now, the one that cost a generation. Somewhere between Central Park’s Great Lawn under pastel skies and the bright terror of boyish love on England’s green and pleasant land, we walked alone and waited for what would come, watching as Maurice Hall sought doctors for a disease for which there was no cure and barely a name. For me this was the heart of what it meant to watch the film in our acutely vulnerable moment: so much promise, so much beauty, but never quite fulfilled. Because we were in love, we thought of love; because it was queer love and so many had died and so many more would die still, we thought of death. If Maurice was a tragedy in its own time, and a witnessing and memorial in ours, it was for this reason: that so much love had given rise not to life but to loss. That even the strongest bond could not protect us. That there would be few happy endings. That we might not last the night.

Monday, January 10, 2022

Our God is Marching On!

Our God is Marching On!

Martin Luther King jr.



25 March 1965 Montgomery, Ala.

My dear and abiding friends, Ralph Abernathy, and to all of the distinguished Americans seated here on the rostrum, my friends and co-workers of the state of Alabama, and to all of the freedom-loving people who have assembled here this afternoon from all over our nation and from all over the world: Last Sunday, more than eight thousand of us started on a mighty walk from Selma, Alabama. We have walked through desolate valleys and across the trying hills. We have walked on meandering highways and rested our bodies on rocky byways. Some of our faces are burned from the outpourings of the sweltering sun. Some have literally slept in the mud. We have been drenched by the rains. [Audience:] (Speak) Our bodies are tired and our feet are somewhat sore.

But today as I stand before you and think back over that great march, I can say, as Sister Pollard said—a seventy-year-old Negro woman who lived in this community during the bus boycott—and one day, she was asked while walking if she didn’t want to ride. And when she answered, "No," the person said, "Well, aren’t you tired?" And with her ungrammatical profundity, she said, "My feets is tired, but my soul is rested." (Yes, sir. All right) And in a real sense this afternoon, we can say that our feet are tired, (Yes, sir) but our souls are rested.

They told us we wouldn’t get here. And there were those who said that we would get here only over their dead bodies, (Well. Yes, sir. Talk) but all the world today knows that we are here and we are standing before the forces of power in the state of Alabama saying, "We ain’t goin’ let nobody turn us around." (Yes, sir. Speak) [Applause]

Now it is not an accident that one of the great marches of American history should terminate in Montgomery, Alabama. (Yes, sir) Just ten years ago, in this very city, a new philosophy was born of the Negro struggle. Montgomery was the first city in the South in which the entire Negro community united and squarely faced its age-old oppressors. (Yes, sir. Well) Out of this struggle, more than bus [de]segregation was won; a new idea, more powerful than guns or clubs was born. Negroes took it and carried it across the South in epic battles (Yes, sir. Speak) that electrified the nation (Well) and the world.

Yet, strangely, the climactic conflicts always were fought and won on Alabama soil. After Montgomery’s, heroic confrontations loomed up in Mississippi, Arkansas, Georgia, and elsewhere. But not until the colossus of segregation was challenged in Birmingham did the conscience of America begin to bleed. White America was profoundly aroused by Birmingham because it witnessed the whole community of Negroes facing terror and brutality with majestic scorn and heroic courage. And from the wells of this democratic spirit, the nation finally forced Congress (Well) to write legislation (Yes, sir) in the hope that it would eradicate the stain of Birmingham. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 gave Negroes some part of their rightful dignity, (Speak, sir) but without the vote it was dignity without strength. (Yes, sir)

Once more the method of nonviolent resistance (Yes) was unsheathed from its scabbard, and once again an entire community was mobilized to confront the adversary. (Yes, sir) And again the brutality of a dying order shrieks across the land. Yet, Selma, Alabama, became a shining moment in the conscience of man. If the worst in American life lurked in its dark streets, the best of American instincts arose passionately from across the nation to overcome it. (Yes, sir. Speak) There never was a moment in American history (Yes, sir) more honorable and more inspiring than the pilgrimage of clergymen and laymen of every race and faith pouring into Selma to face danger (Yes) at the side of its embattled Negroes.

The confrontation of good and evil compressed in the tiny community of Selma (Speak, speak) generated the massive power (Yes, sir. Yes, sir) to turn the whole nation to a new course. A president born in the South (Well) had the sensitivity to feel the will of the country, (Speak, sir) and in an address that will live in history as one of the most passionate pleas for human rights ever made by a president of our nation, he pledged the might of the federal government to cast off the centuries-old blight. President Johnson rightly praised the courage of the Negro for awakening the conscience of the nation. (Yes, sir)

On our part we must pay our profound respects to the white Americans who cherish their democratic traditions over the ugly customs and privileges of generations and come forth boldly to join hands with us. (Yes, sir) From Montgomery to Birmingham, (Yes, sir) from Birmingham to Selma, (Yes, sir) from Selma back to Montgomery, (Yes) a trail wound in a circle long and often bloody, yet it has become a highway up from darkness. (Yes, sir) Alabama has tried to nurture and defend evil, but evil is choking to death in the dusty roads and streets of this state. (Yes, sir. Speak, sir) So I stand before you this afternoon (Speak, sir. Well) with the conviction that segregation is on its deathbed in Alabama, and the only thing uncertain about it is how costly the segregationists and Wallace will make the funeral. (Go ahead. Yes, sir) [Applause]

Our whole campaign in Alabama has been centered around the right to vote. In focusing the attention of the nation and the world today on the flagrant denial of the right to vote, we are exposing the very origin, the root cause, of racial segregation in the Southland. Racial segregation as a way of life did not come about as a natural result of hatred between the races immediately after the Civil War. There were no laws segregating the races then. And as the noted historian, C. Vann Woodward, in his book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, clearly points out, the segregation of the races was really a political stratagem employed by the emerging Bourbon interests in the South to keep the southern masses divided and southern labor the cheapest in the land. You see, it was a simple thing to keep the poor white masses working for near-starvation wages in the years that followed the Civil War. Why, if the poor white plantation or mill worker became dissatisfied with his low wages, the plantation or mill owner would merely threaten to fire him and hire former Negro slaves and pay him even less. Thus, the southern wage level was kept almost unbearably low.

Toward the end of the Reconstruction era, something very significant happened. (Listen to him) That is what was known as the Populist Movement. (Speak, sir) The leaders of this movement began awakening the poor white masses (Yes, sir) and the former Negro slaves to the fact that they were being fleeced by the emerging Bourbon interests. Not only that, but they began uniting the Negro and white masses (Yeah) into a voting bloc that threatened to drive the Bourbon interests from the command posts of political power in the South.

To meet this threat, the southern aristocracy began immediately to engineer this development of a segregated society. (Right) I want you to follow me through here because this is very important to see the roots of racism and the denial of the right to vote. Through their control of mass media, they revised the doctrine of white supremacy. They saturated the thinking of the poor white masses with it, (Yes) thus clouding their minds to the real issue involved in the Populist Movement. They then directed the placement on the books of the South of laws that made it a crime for Negroes and whites to come together as equals at any level. (Yes, sir) And that did it. That crippled and eventually destroyed the Populist Movement of the nineteenth century.

If it may be said of the slavery era that the white man took the world and gave the Negro Jesus, then it may be said of the Reconstruction era that the southern aristocracy took the world and gave the poor white man Jim Crow. (Yes, sir) He gave him Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his wrinkled stomach cried out for the food that his empty pockets could not provide, (Yes, sir) he ate Jim Crow, a psychological bird that told him that no matter how bad off he was, at least he was a white man, better than the black man. (Right sir) And he ate Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his undernourished children cried out for the necessities that his low wages could not provide, he showed them the Jim Crow signs on the buses and in the stores, on the streets and in the public buildings. (Yes, sir) And his children, too, learned to feed upon Jim Crow, (Speak) their last outpost of psychological oblivion. (Yes, sir)

Thus, the threat of the free exercise of the ballot by the Negro and the white masses alike (Uh huh) resulted in the establishment of a segregated society. They segregated southern money from the poor whites; they segregated southern mores from the rich whites; (Yes, sir) they segregated southern churches from Christianity (Yes, sir); they segregated southern minds from honest thinking; (Yes, sir) and they segregated the Negro from everything. (Yes, sir) That’s what happened when the Negro and white masses of the South threatened to unite and build a great society: a society of justice where none would pray upon the weakness of others; a society of plenty where greed and poverty would be done away; a society of brotherhood where every man would respect the dignity and worth of human personality. (Yes, sir)

We’ve come a long way since that travesty of justice was perpetrated upon the American mind. James Weldon Johnson put it eloquently. He said:

We have come over a way

That with tears hath been watered. (Yes, sir)

We have come treading our paths

Through the blood of the slaughtered. (Yes, sir)

Out of the gloomy past, (Yes, sir)

Till now we stand at last

Where the white gleam

Of our bright star is cast. (Speak, sir)

Today I want to tell the city of Selma, (Tell them, Doctor) today I want to say to the state of Alabama, (Yes, sir) today I want to say to the people of America and the nations of the world, that we are not about to turn around. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir)

Yes, we are on the move and no wave of racism can stop us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. The burning of our churches will not deter us. (Yes, sir) The bombing of our homes will not dissuade us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The beating and killing of our clergymen and young people will not divert us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The wanton release of their known murderers would not discourage us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) Like an idea whose time has come, (Yes, sir) not even the marching of mighty armies can halt us. (Yes, sir) We are moving to the land of freedom. (Yes, sir)

Let us therefore continue our triumphant march (Uh huh) to the realization of the American dream. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated housing (Yes, sir) until every ghetto or social and economic depression dissolves, and Negroes and whites live side by side in decent, safe, and sanitary housing. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated schools (Let us march, Tell it) until every vestige of segregated and inferior education becomes a thing of the past, and Negroes and whites study side-by-side in the socially-healing context of the classroom.

Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until no American parent has to skip a meal so that their children may eat. (Yes, sir) March on poverty (Let us march) until no starved man walks the streets of our cities and towns (Yes, sir) in search of jobs that do not exist. (Yes, sir) Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until wrinkled stomachs in Mississippi are filled, (That's right) and the idle industries of Appalachia are realized and revitalized, and broken lives in sweltering ghettos are mended and remolded.

Let us march on ballot boxes, (Let’s march) march on ballot boxes until race-baiters disappear from the political arena.

Let us march on ballot boxes until the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs (Yes, sir) will be transformed into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens. (Speak, Doctor)

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until the Wallaces of our nation tremble away in silence.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until we send to our city councils (Yes, sir), state legislatures, (Yes, sir) and the United States Congress, (Yes, sir) men who will not fear to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march. March) until brotherhood becomes more than a meaningless word in an opening prayer, but the order of the day on every legislative agenda.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Yes) until all over Alabama God’s children will be able to walk the earth in decency and honor.

There is nothing wrong with marching in this sense. (Yes, sir) The Bible tells us that the mighty men of Joshua merely walked about the walled city of Jericho (Yes) and the barriers to freedom came tumbling down. (Yes, sir) I like that old Negro spiritual, (Yes, sir) "Joshua Fit the Battle of Jericho." In its simple, yet colorful, depiction (Yes, sir) of that great moment in biblical history, it tells us that:

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Tell it)

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Yes, sir)

And the walls come tumbling down. (Yes, sir. Tell it)

Up to the walls of Jericho they marched, spear in hand. (Yes, sir)

"Go blow them ramhorns," Joshua cried,

"‘Cause the battle am in my hand." (Yes, sir)

These words I have given you just as they were given us by the unknown, long-dead, dark-skinned originator. (Yes, sir) Some now long-gone black bard bequeathed to posterity these words in ungrammatical form, (Yes, sir) yet with emphatic pertinence for all of us today. (Uh huh)

The battle is in our hands. And we can answer with creative nonviolence the call to higher ground to which the new directions of our struggle summons us. (Yes, sir) The road ahead is not altogether a smooth one. (No) There are no broad highways that lead us easily and inevitably to quick solutions. But we must keep going.

In the glow of the lamplight on my desk a few nights ago, I gazed again upon the wondrous sign of our times, full of hope and promise of the future. (Uh huh) And I smiled to see in the newspaper photographs of many a decade ago, the faces so bright, so solemn, of our valiant heroes, the people of Montgomery. To this list may be added the names of all those (Yes) who have fought and, yes, died in the nonviolent army of our day: Medgar Evers, (Speak) three civil rights workers in Mississippi last summer, (Uh huh) William Moore, as has already been mentioned, (Yes, sir) the Reverend James Reeb, (Yes, sir) Jimmy Lee Jackson, (Yes, sir) and four little girls in the church of God in Birmingham on Sunday morning. (Yes, sir) But in spite of this, we must go on and be sure that they did not die in vain. (Yes, sir) The pattern of their feet as they walked through Jim Crow barriers in the great stride toward freedom is the thunder of the marching men of Joshua, (Yes, sir) and the world rocks beneath their tread. (Yes, sir)

My people, my people, listen. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands in Mississippi and Alabama and all over the United States. (Yes, sir) I know there is a cry today in Alabama, (Uh huh) we see it in numerous editorials: "When will Martin Luther King, SCLC, SNCC, and all of these civil rights agitators and all of the white clergymen and labor leaders and students and others get out of our community and let Alabama return to normalcy?"

But I have a message that I would like to leave with Alabama this evening. (Tell it) That is exactly what we don’t want, and we will not allow it to happen, (Yes, sir) for we know that it was normalcy in Marion (Yes, sir) that led to the brutal murder of Jimmy Lee Jackson. (Speak) It was normalcy in Birmingham (Yes) that led to the murder on Sunday morning of four beautiful, unoffending, innocent girls. It was normalcy on Highway 80 (Yes, sir) that led state troopers to use tear gas and horses and billy clubs against unarmed human beings who were simply marching for justice. (Speak, sir) It was normalcy by a cafe in Selma, Alabama, that led to the brutal beating of Reverend James Reeb.

It is normalcy all over our country (Yes, sir) which leaves the Negro perishing on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of vast ocean of material prosperity. It is normalcy all over Alabama (Yeah) that prevents the Negro from becoming a registered voter. (Yes) No, we will not allow Alabama (Go ahead) to return to normalcy. [Applause]

The only normalcy that we will settle for (Yes, sir) is the normalcy that recognizes the dignity and worth of all of God’s children. The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy that allows judgment to run down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. (Yes, sir) The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy of brotherhood, the normalcy of true peace, the normalcy of justice.

And so as we go away this afternoon, let us go away more than ever before committed to this struggle and committed to nonviolence. I must admit to you that there are still some difficult days ahead. We are still in for a season of suffering in many of the black belt counties of Alabama, many areas of Mississippi, many areas of Louisiana. I must admit to you that there are still jail cells waiting for us, and dark and difficult moments. But if we will go on with the faith that nonviolence and its power can transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows, we will be able to change all of these conditions.

And so I plead with you this afternoon as we go ahead: remain committed to nonviolence. Our aim must never be to defeat or humiliate the white man, but to win his friendship and understanding. We must come to see that the end we seek is a society at peace with itself, a society that can live with its conscience. And that will be a day not of the white man, not of the black man. That will be the day of man as man. (Yes)

I know you are asking today, "How long will it take?" (Speak, sir) Somebody’s asking, "How long will prejudice blind the visions of men, darken their understanding, and drive bright-eyed wisdom from her sacred throne?" Somebody’s asking, "When will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the streets of Selma and Birmingham and communities all over the South, be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men?" Somebody’s asking, "When will the radiant star of hope be plunged against the nocturnal bosom of this lonely night, (Speak, speak, speak) plucked from weary souls with chains of fear and the manacles of death? How long will justice be crucified, (Speak) and truth bear it?" (Yes, sir)

I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, (Yes, sir) however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, (No sir) because "truth crushed to earth will rise again." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Yes, sir) because "no lie can live forever." (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (All right. How long) because "you shall reap what you sow." (Yes, sir)

How long? (How long?) Not long: (Not long)

Truth forever on the scaffold, (Speak)

Wrong forever on the throne, (Yes, sir)

Yet that scaffold sways the future, (Yes, sir)

And, behind the dim unknown,

Stand with God within the shadow,

Keeping watch above his own.

How long? Not long, because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Not long) because:

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; (Yes, sir)

He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored; (Yes)

He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; (Yes, sir)

His truth is marching on. (Yes, sir)

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; (Speak, sir)

He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment seat. (That’s right)

O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him! Be jubilant my feet!

Our God is marching on. (Yeah)

Glory, hallelujah! (Yes, sir) Glory, hallelujah! (All right)

Glory, hallelujah! Glory, hallelujah!

His truth is marching on. [Applause]

Friday, December 31, 2021

The Novelist Who Saw Middle America as It Really Was

 The Novelist Who Saw Middle America as It Really Was

Sinclair Lewis captured the narrow-mindedness and conformity of middle-class America in the first half of the 20th century. On the 100th anniversary of his best-selling novel “Babbitt,” Robert Gottlieb revisits Lewis’s life and career.

Sinclair Lewis in an undated photograph. Credit...Knopf 

 

By Robert Gottlieb The New York Times

This is the centenary year of “Babbitt,” Sinclair Lewis’s best — and most misunderstood — novel. He had written five inconsequential books that had received respectable if not excited attention. And in 1920 — at the age of 35 — he had written “Main Street,” the most sensationally successful novel of the century to date: hundreds of thousands of copies sold, and a title that came to stand for the values, both narrow-minded and wholesome, of what we now call Middle America.

The Pulitzer Prize jury chose it as the year’s best novel, but in a scandalous reversal of their decision, the prize’s trustees refused to approve the award and presented it instead to Edith Wharton’s “The Age of Innocence.” A few years later, when the judges chose Lewis’s “Arrowsmith,” he refused to accept the prize — Sinclair Lewis had a thin skin. (Nothing ever changes: When in 1974 the jury unanimously chose Thomas Pynchon’s “Gravity’s Rainbow,” the prize’s overseers again refused to certify the decision, using words like “turgid” and “obscene” to justify their action.)

At the time of their publication, both “Main Street” and “Babbitt” were generally thought of as satirical novels, America being the object of the satire. Both “Main Street”’s Gopher Prairie, the small town that is the stand-in for Sauk Centre, Minn., where Lewis grew up, and Zenith, the medium-size city where Babbitt conducts his prosperous realty business, are meticulously and convincingly anatomized: Lewis always got the details right.

The tremendous success of “Main Street,” and the strong reactions to it, by both its champions and detractors, suggest how close to the bone its truths struck; it was easier to dismiss it or to enjoy it as elitist, anti-American satire than to accept it as a disturbing vision of the realities of home. Lewis himself was clear about his feelings for Gopher Prairie: He recognized it, he deplored it and he loved it.

There was immense anticipation over what he would come up with next, and in 1922 came “Babbitt,” another big best seller whose satirical elements dominated the critical and popular reaction to it. George F. Babbitt — 46 years old, a conventional (conservative) husband, father, householder, golf player, Buick owner, clubman, churchgoer — is living the American dream. “To the eye,” we’re told, he’s “the perfect office-going executive — a well-fed man in a correct brown soft hat and frameless spectacles, smoking a large cigar, driving a good motor along a semi-suburban parkway.” And yet at odd moments he senses that something is missing, that he’s buried his early impulses toward a larger, more meaningful existence: In college he had aspired to becoming a lawyer defending the poor — even running for governor someday.

Instead, he has become an apostle of “Boosterism,” a loud, crass glorification of his middle-class way of life in Zenith, “the Zip City — Zeal, Zest and Zowie — 1,000,000 in 1935.” He cares, in a desultory way, for his bland wife, Myra, and their three children. He enjoys his success, his growing popularity in the local business world, his lunches at the Zenith Athletic Club, whose lobby “was Gothic, the washroom Roman Imperial, the lounge Spanish Mission and the reading-room Chinese Chippendale.” Babbitt is happily climbing. Yet, inexplicably, he has begun drifting away from his automatic conservatism, actually sympathizing with local strikers. To his wife: “Honest, do you think people would think I was too liberal if I just said the strikers were decent?” (Myra’s reply: “Of course they would. But don’t worry, dear; I know you don’t mean a word of it.”) As far as his Zenith world is concerned, though, this apostasy is the first step on the road to that ultimate evil — socialism!

And then he does the clichéd thing: has a fling with an appealing sophisticated widow whose unlikely name is Tanis Judique — where was Lewis’s editor? — and attaches himself to her coterie of cautiously bohemian friends. Whereupon he begins to suffer from the withdrawal of approval by his Athletic Club world. “The independence seeped out of him and he walked the streets alone, afraid of men’s cynical eyes and the incessant hiss of whispering.”

The crisis comes when Myra almost dies from acute appendicitis. Every afternoon for 17 days he visits her in the hospital, “and in their long talks they drifted back to intimacy.” He’s reunited with his old Zenith crowd, and within two weeks no one “was more violent regarding the … crimes of labor unions, the perils of immigration and the delights of golf, morality and bank accounts than was George F. Babbitt.” Babbitt has undergone and survived what we now recognize as his “midlife crisis,” but in 1922 nobody had ever heard of such a thing.

The Novelist Who Saw Middle America as It Really Was

Is Babbitt a comic character? A tragic character? Merely a stock character from what Lewis’s friend and mentor H.L. Mencken labeled “the booboisie”? The triumph of “Babbitt” is that we can’t confidently answer that question. The name Babbitt entered the language — a “Babbitt” was a ridiculous conformist living in a ridiculously small-minded world. Yet Lewis’s Babbitt is, finally, a man we care about — a character rather than a caricature — one of a small group of American fictional creations who, in the early years of the 20th century, stand in their very different ways as landmarks in the story of the social evolution of our country: Dreiser’s Sister Carrie, Wharton’s Lily Bart, Booth Tarkington’s Alice Adams, with Gatsby on the horizon.

Sinclair Lewis was born in 1885. His father was a prominent doctor in Sauk Centre, a town of about 2,800 — read all about it in “Main Street.” Fred, the oldest of the doctor’s three sons, became a miller and was never of much consequence within the ambitious Lewis clan. Claude, next oldest, was of considerable consequence: He became a distinguished surgeon, admired and sought after well beyond the city of St. Cloud, where he spent his adult life. When Lewis was 62, he acknowledged that “for 60 years I have tried to impress my brother Claude.”

Sinclair Lewis was never really known as “Sinclair,” his middle name. He was Harry, later Hal, eventually “Red” to everyone who knew him. He was not a physically prepossessing young fellow. “He was nearly six feet tall before he was 16,” his magisterial biographer Mark Schorer writes, “with a short torso set on very long and spindly legs, and weighed only 120 pounds; lank and lean, but with a puffy, acne-ridden face (‘pimples,’ they said), big feet and hands, badly coordinated in his movements, everything about his body hanging and dangling and swinging and lunging and stumbling, and ice-blue eyes (astigmatic) rather protruding, all of this thatched with a carrot-colored wig.”

Nor did he have the happy normal outdoorsy boyhood — skating, swimming, duck-hunting — he later claimed to have had; Schorer makes that clear. “He was a queer boy with only one real friend in a town full of boys, laughed at by girls.” Sports? No. Dances? “As I cannot dance I just went along with Ma to look on.” But a lot of culture passed through town: military bands; the Ski-U-Mah Quartette; the Maharas Minstrels; the Schubert Symphony Club; the Casgrove Company performing with musical glasses, sleigh bells, mandolins and banjos; and itinerant theatrical events, from “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” to the Jolly Della Pringle Company.

Most important — crucial — there were books. His father had a modest library, and young Harry began acquiring books on his own. (His favorite writers as a boy were Dickens, Scott and Kipling, and he went on reading them throughout his life.) For years he was a rotten student, until late in high school he began to shine. He was a notorious cutup, a mimic and the proud author of “class yells”: “Cooma laca, booma laca,/Bow wow wow —/Chingalaca, chingalaca,/Chow, Chow, Chow.” He had crushes on one girl after another — sometimes two at the same time. He did domestic chores, he had summer jobs. And he submitted flowery poems to various magazines, all, of course, rejected. But he was also getting ready for college, having decided to try for Yale, and after spending some time at Oberlin to sharpen his skills, he was admitted there.

His career in New Haven was checkered. His only distinction was being published regularly in the Yale Literary Magazine, “The Lit” — romantic stories, more flowery poems. Girls? Gauche attempts. Friends? A few. Intimacies? Hardly. The esteemed educator William Lyon Phelps said of him, “He was not disliked in college, but was regarded with amiable tolerance as a freak.” His emotional state? As always, loneliness. Yet he was adventurous: one summer, work as a cattle feeder on a cattle steamer to England; one fall, steerage passage to Panama, in search of work there.

Then a few wander years — a well-known artists’ community in Carmel, a short stretch on a San Francisco newspaper, Upton Sinclair’s utopian colony in New Jersey. Finally, New York, where he lived in Greenwich Village and found sympathetic companions like Edna Ferber and Frances Perkins, who would go on to become F.D.R.’s famous secretary of labor. He was earning a few dollars by selling scraps of things to junky magazines and newspapers, and he was selling plots for stories to established writers: Jack London, for one, who in one transaction paid him $70 for 14 story ideas, and Albert Payson Terhune (“Lad: A Dog”) for another. And he had begun work on his first novel, “Our Mr. Wrenn.”

He was also edging his way into the publishing world, working most effectively for George Doran, who wrote about him: “Lewis pounded out on a typewriter the crispest of American staccato opinion and criticism, literally reams of publicity stunts. He was a dynamo of energy and freshness of thought.”

In 1912 he was working for a publisher whose offices were on Fourth Avenue, in the same building where Vogue had its offices, and late one evening he was coming downstairs in the freight elevator when in stepped a very pretty young woman who had also been working late. In his typical clumsy way, he managed to bump into her, scattering to the ground the work she was taking home with her. (“Meet cute,” Hollywood calls it.) Her name was Grace Livingstone Hegger, and she was a junior editor and writer at Vogue, elegantly dressed, with a kind of fancy accent that presumably came from her British parents and time she had spent in Europe while growing up. (Her brother did not have this accent.)

Lewis was madly in love, and wooed her ferociously with letters, notes, poems, jokes, the dedication to “Our Mr. Wrenn” and expeditions, including a picnic on the Palisades to which he brought lamb chops and canned peas that he cooked on a portable stove. Eventually Gracie, as he called her, succumbed to his unrelenting pressure and they were married in 1914 — he 29, she 26. She worked hard to sophisticate him, getting him out of his hideous cheap blue suits and into respectable tweeds, refining his Midwestern accent. For a few years they had fun together — roaming around the country in a Model T Ford, settling down in one place, then rushing off to another. And then the fun stopped.

But during these years Lewis’s career as a writer was advancing. More financially rewarding than the five early novels were the short stories he was churning out, conventional fare snapped up by commercial magazines, at least 20 of them by the popular and well-paying Saturday Evening Post.

We know a lot about the Lewis marriage because Gracie would write two books about it (and him), one a novel, the other a memoir. Both books are fond, outspoken and convincing. They’re convincing about him as a father (they had one boy, Wells, named after Lewis’s hero, H.G. Wells). When she gave birth, “Hal was infinitely tender toward me but his care was for me, the baby seemed not to exist for him.” They’re convincing about his sexuality: “He seemed unable to recognize that the sexual act was not important to him, that making love was rather a nuisance, and though he was essentially masculine and abnormalities of any kind were shocking to him, he could not supply the confident and robust elements which make for success in a love affair.” (The tell-all memoir wasn’t invented yesterday.) They’re convincing about their lives together: “Didn’t he — and I — live as much on the surface of life as did most of his characters, superbly as one heard and saw them but whose inwardness was unexplored?”

The tremendous success of “Main Street,” and the strong reactions to it, suggest how close to the bone its truths struck.

Of Lewis’s five early novels, “The Job” is the best, a persuasive account of how a poor but determined young woman prevails in the commercial real estate business, a book marred only by a preposterous romantic happy ending. Now, Lewis sensed, was the moment for him to focus on “Main Street,” the novel about small-town America that he had been considering and planning for years. And it, too, would be centered on a young woman: Its subtitle was “The Story of Carol Kennicott.” She’s a smart young professional librarian who’s brought to Gopher Prairie by her young doctor husband. At first she’s certain that she can help change things for the better — ameliorate the crudeness, the small-mindedness, the lack of culture, of beauty. When her efforts are defeated by the kind but impervious local citizenry, she leaves husband and town to find satisfying work and a finer way of life in the Big City.

Yes, this is a feminist story, but one with an inconclusive resolution: Soon enough, she’s back to husband and Gopher Prairie, mortified, but with a growing appreciation of the decencies of its people and the wholesomeness of its life. And despite the humiliating setback, Carol plows on, more tactfully than before, perhaps, but indefatigable. Was she meant to be taken as a high-minded emissary of enlightenment or was she as much an object of Lewis’s satire as Main Street itself? A century has gone by and we’re still not sure.

“Main Street,” published late in 1920, exploded on the consciousness of America. There had never been anything like its instant and sustained literary and commercial success. Within months its sales had rocketed past 150,000 (eventually it would sell in the millions), with praise from such sources as Britain’s leading novelist, John Galsworthy (“altogether a brilliant piece of work and characterization”), and F. Scott Fitzgerald, who wrote to Lewis, “I want to tell you that ‘Main Street’ has displaced ‘Theron Ware’ in my favor as the best American novel.” “Main Street” was an Event, a Phenomenon — a triumph abroad as well. Sinclair Lewis had arrived!

In the 1920s he published not only “Main Street” and “Babbitt” but three other novels that won comparable acclaim: “Arrowsmith,” about an idealistic young doctor-scientist; “Elmer Gantry,” a scathing satirical account of evangelism and religion in America — the top fiction best seller of 1927; and “Dodsworth,” about a retired American businessman searching abroad for what he senses he’s missed out on in his life — to me, his best-written and most affecting book and, later, the basis of William Wyler’s brilliant film. (The maddening Mrs. Dodsworth owes much to Gracie, whom he was more or less amicably divorcing.) And then, in 1930, the crowning moment of his career: He became the first American to be awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. But he understood the implications: “This is the end of me,” his friend Lillian Gish reports him saying. “This is fatal. I cannot live up to it.”

Indeed, from this peak there was only one way to go: down. And down he went, although there was almost uninterrupted commercial success. The highlights were “Ann Vickers” — another account of a high-achieving woman and another novel undermined by its improbable last-minute romantic ending — and the far from subtle “It Can’t Happen Here,” a dystopian take on the career of the rabble-rousing demagogue Huey Long, effective propaganda but hardly Nobel Prize material.

The main event of the 1930s in the life of Sinclair Lewis was his marriage to the famous journalist Dorothy Thompson. They first encountered each other in 1927, at a journalists’ gathering in Berlin. She invited him to her birthday dinner the following night, at which he cornered her and asked her to marry him, and when she turned him down, swore to pursue her until she changed her mind. (That involved trailing her relentlessly around Europe. Arriving in Moscow, where she was covering the 10th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, he was asked by reporters why he had come to Russia. “To see Dorothy,” he said.) When she finally said yes, they were married in London and spent their honeymoon touring England in an automobile trailer.

What was Dorothy Thompson like? A 1940 profile in The Saturday Evening Post said: “She is one of the most extroverted of humans, aggressively gregarious and tireless in debate. For combined intellectual, physical and emotional energy, she has no known equal, male or female.” She was also unflagging at her job, and her fame and influence grew as she used her journalist’s pulpit to try to awaken America to the growing dangers of fascism and Stalinism. She had interviewed Hitler before the Nazis took control and published a violent attack on him called “I Saw Hitler.” When he came to power, he expelled her from Germany — she had only a day or two to pick up and get out of town — creating a furor that elevated her from Star to Heroine.

Soon she began writing her syndicated column “On the Record,” which appeared twice a week for 22 years, earning her a national readership of 10 million people with her impassioned political views and her focus on women’s lives. (The famously witty Alice Roosevelt Longworth: “Dorothy is the only woman in history who has had her menopause in public and made it pay.”) She was also writing a column for Ladies’ Home Journal and whirling around the country on endless lecture tours. At the height of her fame, Time named her one of the two most admired women in America. The other was Eleanor Roosevelt.

She was also trying to be a wife and mother — she and Lewis had one son, Michael, an extraordinarily difficult child she both adored and couldn’t deal with. (She also adored Gracie’s son, Wells, and was devastated when he was killed by a sniper in France not long before the end of World War II.) Lewis was as terrible a father to Michael as he had been to Wells; Dorothy exhausted herself trying to get him to pay attention to the boy, but it never happened. There were two houses on the beautiful land the Lewises bought in Vermont. Momma and Poppa lived in one, and little Michael (plus nurse and attendants) lived in the other. When he was a child, Michael announced, “I think when I grow up I am going to kill my daddy.”

“This is the end of me,” Lewis said after winning the Nobel Prize. “I cannot live up to it.”

Meanwhile Lewis’s drinking grew worse and worse. It was now conceded by both husband and wife that he was an alcoholic. His behavior grew worse, too. When there were people around he would launch into brilliant, and endless, monologues, wielding his superb gift of mimicry — sometimes the speeches went on for an hour or more, until his audience fled, enraging him. When drunk (which was much of the time), he would insult people, abuse Dorothy, fire assistants, only to rehire them the next day with effusive apologies. (One of them was the young John Hersey, years before “Hiroshima,” who would later say, “I must have been too young to recognize the bitterness of an exhausted gift, and of course I was ignorant of the drinking history.”) He would also abuse students whom he had agreed to teach and people who had come to hear him speak. At a lecture at Wesleyan College, he asked the students, “How many of you want to write?” Most of them raised their hands. “Good,” he said. “Go home and write,” and he left the stage.

The Lewis marriage was eroding beyond repair. Dorothy drove him crazy with her incessant talk of the situation in Europe. (“If I ever divorce Dorothy, I’ll name Adolf Hitler as co-respondent.”) Whereas he would call her by his own name, while impersonating his father: “Harry Lewis! Harry Lewis! Get your lazy bones out of that chair and see to the wood! … How many times do I have to tell you? And it’s past 8 o’clock, Harry Lewis, do you hear me?” “When I first became Harry Lewis,” Dorothy was to recall, “I really did not know whether I was or not.”

Yet there were happy times in Vermont. Dorothy’s sister, Peggy, told their intimate friend the journalist Vincent Sheean that “she can remember hardly anything but gaiety and good will from all of those years.” And Dorothy’s diaries and letters to Red were filled with love, even passion. Dorothy and Red always did better with each other when they were apart.

One of their final engagements took place onscreen in the first of the famous Hepburn-Tracy marital comedies, “Woman of the Year,” which appeared in 1942. (It was an open secret that the Lewises were the originals.) But by 1981, when a musical based on the movie was a Broadway hit, people were interested only in its star, Lauren Bacall. No one by then was interested in Dorothy Thompson, or, for that matter, in Sinclair Lewis.

Their marriage was over long before they officially divorced. Lewis, who had always been drawn to the theater, was writing (bad) plays, and in 1939 he fell madly in love with an 18-year-old aspiring actress named Marcella Powers. (He was in his 50s.) Naturally she was flattered by this attention from a world-famous man, and she genuinely liked him, but she was wise enough — or wary enough — not to marry him. He plied her with gifts, paid her expenses, wrote plays for her, but she wanted to act, not be Mrs. Sinclair Lewis. It was all very public, and not very seemly. When Powers wouldn’t tag along with him on his travels, he would take her pleasant, passive mother in her place to look after him and provide some kind of undemanding companionship — anything rather than be alone. Eventually Powers married an appropriate young man, and Lewis behaved well, but he understood that his emotional life had ended. Along the way, he himself took up acting, performing such parts as the Stage Manager in “Our Town” and the George M. Cohan role in Eugene O’Neill’s “Ah, Wilderness!” in a variety of summer and regional theaters.

As for his later novels, they range from mediocre to terrible. Only two stand out in any way. The best-selling “Cass Timberlane” (1945) is about an attractive youngish judge who falls in love with the very young, exciting Jinny, who marries him, leaves him for a sexier man and returns to him repentant. Jinny, of course, is a fictionalized Marcella Powers, played in the hit MGM movie version by Lana Turner, opposite Spencer Tracy as the judge.

The other is the preposterous “Kingsblood Royal” (1947). Lewis, determined to strike a blow against racism, scoured the country interviewing Black Americans, from servants and manual laborers to ministers and educators. Then he invented a young, successful (and white) banker with a perfect wife and family, who somehow discovers that he is — are you ready? — one thirty-second “Negro.” He’s shocked, fascinated and determined: He must divulge this terrible secret to the world. You would have thought that a sophisticated postwar Midwestern city would absorb this “scandal” without a murmur, but no, his life is shattered. Fortunately, his wife is true blue and stands by him as he takes his place in the Black world. This farrago of nonsense was ridiculed by critics, yet was a considerable best seller, his last. Two feeble novels were to follow, but after a quarter of a century as America’s leading novelist, his effective career was over.

He was, at the end, the thing he had always most feared being: alone — and lonely.

His life petered out into a sad, isolated existence, this quintessential American dying in 1951 in a hospital outside Rome, with only an anonymous Franciscan nun in attendance. Despite his substantial achievements, he still saw himself as ugly and unlovable. And he was, at the end, the thing he had always most feared being: alone — and lonely.

It’s all too easy to focus on the peculiar and unpleasant aspects of Lewis’s life. Attention must also be paid to his remarkable capabilities and his large generosity. He never stopped encouraging and helping young writers: He just loved talent wherever he spotted it. He may well have been the most widely and deeply read person of his era — and what he read, he remembered. (He could, and did, spew forth pages of his favorite authors, Dickens above all others.) His superb Nobel Prize speech is mostly a paean to American writers, first and foremost Dreiser, with whom he had had a violent altercation but whom he now credited with liberating American writing from the gentilities of William Dean Howells. He also extols Sherwood Anderson, Willa Cather, Robert Frost, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Carl Sandburg, Ring Lardner, Thomas Wolfe, O’Neill, Hemingway, Dos Passos and Faulkner, among others.

As for his writing, he was never a stylist. His books are almost without a voice of their own, lacking both power and lyricism. But they are superbly constructed, and they keep you reading. Certainly they are convincing in their presentation of the surface of things, and it is this all-consuming attention to the surfaces of American life that makes him unique in American letters.

From the start he was watching, absorbing, cataloging. His friend Anna Louise Strong, who later became America’s leading sympathizer with Communist China, wrote of him when he came to Seattle in 1916: “He showed me notebooks full of descriptions. He went, for instance, to the docks in Seattle and wrote down lists of what he saw … the size of packages, what was in them, how they were loaded or unloaded, where they came from, what everything looked like on those docks. … He did this everywhere he went, across the country.”

In a sketch of himself never published in America, he wrote, “My real traveling has been sitting in Pullman smoking cars, in a Minnesota village, on a Vermont farm, in a hotel in Kansas City or Savannah, listening to the normal daily drone of what are to me the most fascinating and exotic people in the world — the Average Citizens of the United States.”

You could say that Sinclair Lewis spent his life taking an inventory of America.

 

 

    

Friday, December 24, 2021

What Joan Didion Saw

What Joan Didion Saw

Her writing and thinking captured momentous change in American life—and in her own.

By Nathan Heller The New Yorker


Photograph © Brigitte Lacombe 

When Joan Didion died, on Thursday, at eighty-seven, she left behind sixteen books, seven films, one play, and an impulse to make sense of what remained. It was tempting to note that, like her husband, the writer John Gregory Dunne, whose passing shaped “The Year of Magical Thinking” (2005), she died during the Christmas holiday. It was easy to see, as she did in her daughter’s lethal illness that same season, larger gears at work. Didion was a pattern-seeker—a writer with an uncanny ability to scan a text, a folder of clippings, or an entire society and, like a genius eying figures, find the markers pointing out how the whole worked. Through her efforts, the craft of journalism changed. She helped expand the landscape of what matters on the page.

Though Didion spent half her life in New York (first as a junior editor at Vogue, then, in a later stint, as a short-statured lioness of letters), much of her best-known work was done in California, where she’d grown up in mid-century Sacramento. Her ominous, valley-flat style channelled the Pacific terrain, with its beauty and severity and restless turns. “This is the country in which a belief in the literal interpretation of Genesis has slipped imperceptibly into a belief in the literal interpretation of Double Indemnity, the country of the teased hair and the Capris and the girls for whom all life’s promise comes down to a waltz-length white wedding dress and the birth of a Kimberly or a Sherry or a Debbi and a Tijuana divorce and a return to hairdressers’ school,” she wrote in “Some Dreamers of the Golden Dream,” the essay that opened her first collection, “Slouching Towards Bethlehem” (1968). That book announced her subject—the long, crazed shadow of the frontier mentality—and her style, which carried across five novels and several screenplays, not least “A Star Is Born” (1976), which she co-wrote with Dunne. Today, readers know what’s meant by “Didionesque.”

Like most strong stylists, though, Didion worked up her craft as a sensitive reader of other masters. She had been an English student, at Berkeley, in the nineteen-fifties, a high point for the New Criticism and its close reading, and the approach became part of her lifelong methodology, applied equally to language she encountered as a reporter and to literary work. In a New Yorker essay about Hemingway, her early influence, she performed an unmatched reading of the beginning of “A Farewell to Arms,” noting how the sudden, pattern-breaking absence of a “the” before the third appearance of “leaves” casts “exactly what it was meant to cast, a chill, a premonition.” It was characteristic of Didion to work this way, in the danger zone between sensibility and objectivity: to be receptive to a passing feeling, a change in cast, and then to bear down, with unsparing rigor, in the work of understanding why. 

What she came to understand was the vastest change that American society had seen in fifty years. Like many writers, Didion was on the spot in the late sixties, as the social fabric, the ideal of common institutions and of a shared society, came apart. Unlike many, she saw the long-term stakes of this rupture at a moment when most observers were fretting over whether to don love beads or to follow draft cards. Didion reported on the hippies—they’re the subject of the title essay of “Slouching Towards Bethlehem,” which created a technique, later germane to her fiction, of telling a story through jagged juxtapositions that she called “flash cuts”—but recognized that what she saw in the Haight-Ashbury was less about them than about an “atomization” of communication and connection across America. It was a curiously durable insight for the period; it remains vivid and pressing today.

Didion often gets identified, along with Norman Mailer, Gay Talese, Tom Wolfe, and other snappy dressers, as part of the New Journalism, by which people usually mean long narrative reporting imprinted with a writer’s style and point of view. But her goal, in the best work, was never sensibility or affect. Early on, and again at the end of her life, Didion was known for her first-person writing, and subjective perception was always at the heart of her impulses as a reporter and as an essayist. (“Something about a situation will bother me, so I will write a piece to find out what it is that bothers me,” she once explained, in an interview with Hilton Als.)

Subjectivity was paramount, yet her thinking, as it developed in the pages of The New York Review of Books, was basically systemic: in “Miami” (1987), about the Cold War dialogue between the U.S. and the atomized powers of Latin America; in “Sentimental Journeys” (1991), about the Central Park jogger case, and the mythologies that eroded New York’s civil and economic structure; in “Where I Was From” (2003), about the governmental policies supporting California’s frontier image of itself. Her target was what she called sentimentality: the prefabricated story lines, or fairy tales, that spread within a culture and that cause society to rip apart. Didion started out a Goldwater Republican and ended up one of her cohort’s keenest champions of the social pact. She came to see that the way stories were told—an individualized project—had deep stakes for the societal whole.

Famous styles often make fossils of their practitioners. Didion’s work will last because it was the product of a restless mind. “In retrospect, we know how to write when we begin,” she once said. “What we learn from doing it is what writing was for.” How to put together a paragraph, whether to add a “the” or not: by the time you’re thirty, the sound of your best writing is already in your mind’s ear, and the hardest part is listening. What to do with those sentences, how to turn the craft of storytelling away from shared delusion, is the effort of a life. Many—most—writers never make it the full distance. Didion did. Her work was her own answer to the question of what writing and living are for. It ought to be ours, too.